10/16/2026
AN ENERGY EMERGENCY, AND A STORY BEING TOLD ABOUT IT
* Last Night, The Delaware Project Examined A Genuine Emergency Involving Our Power Supply. This Morning, We Look At Some Political Actors' Words About It.
(Part Two)
Good Morning, Neighbors.
Yesterday, The Delaware Project laid out the reality of the emergency declared for our electrical grid, operated by PJM.
Today, we'll examine a story built around the emergency, and how that story works, as well as its potential consequences for the public.
We do that below by covering one political party's social media messaging on electrical utility issues from its House and Senate caucuses. We've left out the party's name and its legislators' names, so you can focus on the rhetorical tactics at work.
This article is The Delaware Project's attempt at "prebunking" or teaching the public to spot deceptive or manipulative rhetorical tactics before they encounter them.
Research on “prebunking” finds that learning to name a manipulation technique helps people spot it.
In lab experiments reported in Science Advances in 2022, people who watched 90-second videos were about twice as good as others at spotting some tactics. In a YouTube field test, recognition rose 5 percent.
To help keep the facts straight, we wrote what one researcher calls a "truth sandwich" around the deceptive or manipulative tactics, with the truth above and below them.
1. QUESTIONABLE CAUSE
PJM’s application tied this week’s emergency to elevated demand in hot weather, maintenance outages, transmission work, and power exports.
This week, a state senator posted that the declared emergency “is exactly why” he has pushed to reconsider Delaware’s participation in the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI). To his credit, the senator's Facebook post also cited “our region’s growing energy needs.” Nonetheless, his post never explained how RGGI figured in this week’s shortfall.
A 2023 study by PJM tied 25,000 megawatts of possible retirements to federal EPA rules, other states’ climate policies, a utility’s plan, and corporate pledges. RGGI and renewable credits weren’t listed among the causes for emergencies like the one declared this week, though PJM told reporters those policies' effects on power prices are “implicitly included” in a separate economic analysis. The Delaware Project has found not find the grid operator documennting those effects anywhere.
Nothing the grid operator has put into writing week’s emergency order proves the senator's argument, although he strongly implied that it does.
2. OMISSION
PJM says demand is growing faster than new supply can come online.
One of the party's caucuses used an Oct. 14 post on the emergency to connect retiring power plants, RGGI, Delaware’s Renewable Portfolio Standard, and the need for gas and nuclear. It never mentioned the growing demand for power as a problem, though the caucus did write in February that AI data centers are “driving up demand while supply struggles to keep pace.”
A recent PJM application lists “elevated electric demand” first among the emergency’s causes, but the party's two caucuses have barely mentioned power demand in the past year.
3. NUMBERS WITHOUT A METHOD
RGGI records show Delaware received $59.6 million from 2025 auctions and $77.2 million from the first three of 2026. State law sends most of it to efficiency and clean-energy programs, weatherization, and help for the bills of low-income households.
But that didn’t stop a caucus’s March 23 post from calling those annual totals “YOUR money” and “carbon credit costs that are built into your electric bill,” under the headline “END THIS HIDDEN TAX.” The caucus promised “immediate savings” from leaving RGGI, without saying how. The caucus never showed how much of that money reaches Delawareans' bills.
Another opinion feature by the party's caucus in the state legislature's other chamber said ratepayers “collectively paid an additional $12.3 million in RGGI-imposed costs” in 2025, without saying how it reached that figure.
RGGI’s records match that post’s text for 2024, $57.4 million, although not the $57.9 million on its graphic. Meanwhile, for good or bad, the critics' bill to rebate auction proceeds above 2025 levels has waited in committee since January.
4. MISSION ACCOMPLISHED
RGGI states did beat the program’s early targets. That's true because the targets were always meant to be achievable and adjusted downward over time. In fact, emissions ran so far below the RGGI's original cap that states lowered it by 45 percent in 2014, federal data show.
In April, a caucus post said Delaware “met and exceeded its emissions reduction goals back in 2015” and was “increasingly out of step” after Pennsylvania and Virginia left.
Those were early goals, and Virginia’s legislature had already voted to rejoin. It returned July 1. RGGI’s cap still tightens every year, and Delaware’s proposed share shrinks through 2037.
5. THE COST LEFT UNAID
Tax credits cost the state money, too, and refundable credits are sometimes paid out even when no tax is owed.
Both of the political party's caucuses we're examining backed HB 186, a bipartisan bill offering as many as three gas plants refundable tax credits of up to $15 million a year each. It did not advance from committee. Both also call RGGI’s costs a “hidden tax.” The Senate caucus called HB 186 “a targeted, capped tax credit”; the House caucus said it “would not require any public expenditure.”
The state’s fiscal note puts the credits’ maximum at $450 million and calls the revenue loss “indeterminable.”
6. SELECTIVE BLAME
PJM credits offshore wind with 60 percent of its rated capacity toward reliability, more than solar, onshore wind, or a four-hour battery.
In August, the caucus behind the emergency post declared that reducing restrictions on power producers would encourage more generation. And yet, the party's caucus in the state legislature's other chamber has noted on emphasized that its legislators cast most of the votes against a 2025 law to the way for a Sussex County substation. That substation would serve an offshore wind project, generating 2,000 megawatts for grid now declaring an emergency.
Opponents of offshore wind cited local control, tourism and the Inland Bays. To varying degrees, those are legitimate concerns, as are health and environmental concerns about other power sources. Nonetheless, the caucus calling for fewer restrictions appeared unconcerned that wind opponents' concerns also discourage power generation.
On solar, the Senate caucus has posted that its members unanimously supported the 2021 community-solar law, which passed the Senate 21-0. Still, in September, one of its senators urged Kent County’s Levy Court to reconsider a 25-acre community solar farm near Kenton, citing possible contamination and noise, and argued that such projects won’t be built without government subsidies. Meawnwhile, he had co-sponsored HB 186, whose gas-plant tax credits his caucus says would add “dependable baseload power.”
But, without question, gas-plant tax credits are a form of government subsidy, too.
The caucus's emergency post faulted costly policies. But it did so while failing to mention its own members’ votes against the offshore wind hookup, or a senator’s recent objections to a solar farm.
And the federal administration lifting regulations on power suppliers to address energy demand this week has also asked a court to undo the offshore wind project’s approval.
WHY DOES ANY OF THIS MATTER?
None of these techniques requires false statements, although they sometimes involve them, and the impression they create may often be deceptive -- or misleading, at least.
Deceptive or manipulative rhetorical tactics around energy policy can cause Delawareans to lose in three ways:
* On our bills, if demand-driven capacity costs go unaddressed;
* In our health, if pollution waivers become routine;
* And in our trust, which self-government needs.
To help maintain honest clarity in our public debate over energy issues, two questions are worth putting to every candidate on the Nov. 3 ballot:
* Who should pay for the power data centers need?
* And which new sources of supply would you approve, and by when?
We can disagree about RGGI, renewables, gas, and reactors and still agree on this: our neighbors deserve the whole story, especially in an emergency.
EDITOR'S NOTE: This is Part Two of a two-part series. For background, see Part One, which we posted on the evening of Thursday, Oct. 15. ADDENDUM: The article above was revised at 11 a.m., Friday, Oct. 16 for clarity.
-- Gregory S. Layton, The Delaware Project
See Clearly. Do the Work. Build Together.