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41 Roseville railyard workers, families sue Union Pacific over cancer, toxic exposurehttps://www.sacbee.com/news/local/a...
10/18/2026

41 Roseville railyard workers, families sue Union Pacific over cancer, toxic exposure
https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article317655725.html =cpy
By Madison Smalstig
October 17, 2026 9:00 AM
Union Pacific’s J.R. Davis Yard in Roseville, one of the largest railyards on the West Coast, is seen in a drone image taken Sept. 30, 2021. Forty-one current and former workers, including 11 who have died, were named in lawsuits filed this week against Union Pacific, alleging that exposure to toxic substances at the railyard caused serious illnesses. Xavier Mascareñas Sacramento Bee file Forty-one current and former workers at Union Pacific’s Roseville railyard, including 11 who have died, were named in six lawsuits filed Wednesday alleging the railroad failed to protect employees from toxic substances that caused cancer, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease and other serious illnesses. Thirty of the workers are living with illnesses they attributed to workplace exposure, some of which did not develop until after decades of work at the J.R. Davis Yard, said Carisa German-Oden, one of the attorneys representing the plaintiffs. The families of 11 deceased workers alleged that exposure to asbestos, diesel exhaust, benzene and other hazardous substances contributed to their deaths. The J.R. Davis Yard is “the largest rail yard west of the Rockies,” according to Union Pacific. It is one of the busiest rail terminals on the West Coast and a major hub for Northern California rail traffic. The workers named in the lawsuits were diagnosed with a range of illnesses, including COPD, kidney disease, pulmonary fibrosis, multiple myeloma, leukemia and cancers of the throat and blood. Some began working for Union Pacific as early as the 1950s, in jobs that included track maintenance, signal maintenance, conducting and engineering. About six continued to work for the railroad, German-Oden said. The plaintiffs requested jury trials to determine damages, according to the complaints filed in San Francisco Superior Court. The plaintiffs, represented by the law firms Poolson Oden and Grant & Eisenhofer, alleged that Union Pacific failed to provide adequate protective equipment or warn employees about hazardous exposures. The railroad had known about some of the dangers since the 1930s, German-Oden said. “They’ve known for a long time,” German-Oden said. “What has been clear is that even with that knowledge, they have not you know they did not develop warnings. They didn’t give proper PPE. There was nothing really given to the employees.” Toxic exposure is not unique to the Roseville railyard, German-Oden said. However, the J.R. Davis Yard had been studied more extensively than other rail facilities over the previous three decades. In a 2004 assessment, the California Air Resources Board estimated that locomotives operating at the railyard in 2000 emitted between 22.1 to 25 tons of diesel particulate matter annually within the yard and surrounding areas. The agency used computer modeling to estimate cancer risks for nearby residents, but not for railyard workers. For residents in an area northwest of the locomotive service tracks, the estimated additional cancer risk exceeded 500 cases per million people over 70 years of exposure. Railroad workers generally must seek compensation for job-related injuries through the federal courts under the Federal Employers’ Liability Act rather than through state workers’ compensation. To recover damages, they must establish that negligence by the railroad contributed to their injuries, said Danny Poolson, another attorney involved in the case. “These guys and gals go to a dangerous job every day, work crazy hours, miss tons of family events to provide for them... They put themselves in harm’s way every day, and that protection is not there for them,” Poolson said. The Roseville lawsuits followed similar litigation filed in September by more than 125 railroad workers against Norfolk Southern Railway Co. in Philadelphia, according to a spokesperson for the law firms representing the plaintiffs. Poolson said the immediate goal was to secure compensation for workers and their families. The attorneys also hoped the litigation would lead to changes in workplace safety practices that German-Oden alleged remained dangerous. This story was originally published October 17, 2026 at 9:00 AM with the headline "41 Roseville railyard workers, families sue Union Pacific over cancer, toxic exposure."

Six lawsuits filed Wednesday alleged Union Pacific failed to protect Roseville railyard workers from toxic substances linked to cancer and other serious illnesses.

Before You Vote on Props “D, E, A, and FBefore You Vote on Props “D, E, A, and F”What the Board of Supervisor’s Budget ...
10/18/2026

Before You Vote on Props “D, E, A, and F


Before You Vote on Props “D, E, A, and F”
What the Board of Supervisor’s Budget and Legislative Analyst Analyst Found — and What It Left Out

Don’t hand over your lunch money to the schoolyard bully! He’ll only come back wanting more.
Dear Friends,

On July 14, Supervisor Shamann Walton asked the Board’s Budget and Legislative Analyst (BLA) to analyze Mayor Lurie’s three Charter amendments — Propositions D, E, and F — by September 8, so voters could weigh the findings before the November election ballots went out. The BLA missed that deadline by a month. An unfinished, undated draft surfaced September 25, buried in a Board agenda packet. The final report, dated October 8, only became available on October 12 in response to a public records request I had filed. By then, ballots had been in mailboxes for ten days.

BLA reports are policy documents meant to guide development of City policies on behalf of San Francisco residents. Here is what BLA’s final analysis shows, and what it doesn’t.

Proposition D: Shutting Out Grassroots Initiatives

Signatures to qualify a ballot initiative would quadruple, from 10,615 to 42,460. The BLA estimates a grassroots campaign’s cost would rise from about $320,000 to $1.5 million, with paid circulators alone costing over $1 million. The final report even contains a new error, claiming 70 percent of signatures collected are “invalid” when its own text says 70 percent are valid.

Meanwhile, Mayor Lurie’s own three measures — “Propositions D, E, and F” — reached the ballot by signature petition, given the $4.5 million Lurie’s “Clean Up City Hall” campaign committee (funded by billionaires, centimillionaires, and millionaires) spent to collect the necessary number of signatures to qualify for the ballot. Higher thresholds don’t stop big money; they stop everyone else. As of October 16, Lurie’s campaign committee has raised $14 million to pass the three ballot measures, plus another $425,000 seeking to pass “Proposition A.” That excludes the $9.9 million spent in November 2024 trying to pass the exact same “reforms” via the 2024 “Proposition D.” What are these billionaires trying to buy by raising close to $25 million just for the “D-E-A-F” ballot measure reforms package for Mayor Lurie?

Proposition E: Less Oversight of City Contracts

This is the BLA’s analysis report’s best work. Raising the Board of Supervisors contract-approval threshold from $10 million to $25 million would have cut Board review from 304 contracts to 115 between 2023 and 2025, leaving about $2.5 billion in unreviewed contracts.

Board of Supervisors review of contracts caught real problems. It cut a Mid-Market Foundation amendment from $7.7 million to $3.8 million after unnecessary overhead surfaced. It flagged a nonprofit facing insolvency, which had no chief financial officer. That discovery led to an audit that found $5.6 million paid without verifying eligibility.

Below the proposed $25 million contract threshold, the BLA admits: “There is no comparable public process.” The BLA meant that there is no independent review of a given contract proposed by a City Department, and no questions are ever raised in public. That’s because contracts below the threshold line ae approved administratively by the same department that chose the contractor, and only the City Department will manage the contract.

Eliminating public review is the opposite of public transparency, since public review exists precisely because outside eyes catch what Department insiders won’t flag themselves and don’t want you to know. Mayor Lurie and his campaign committee are complicit in trying to eliminate public scrutiny, which will lead to more corruption, not less.

Worse, only the City Administrator could introduce procurement laws if “Prop E” were to pass, which the Board couldn’t amend. New procurement rules would take effect automatically in 60 days unless disapproved, and the Mayor alone could kill one, while the Board would need a majority vote. What replaces Board oversight? In the BLA’s words: “No new oversight or audit mechanism is proposed.” In plain language, that means no substitute for Board of Supervisors review exists in “Proposition E.”

The report headlines $3.8 million to $23 million in procurement “savings.” Those figures are staff time, not cash, built on a cost estimate the BLA itself calls unreliable.

Between its draft and final analysis reports, the BLA also deleted the Human Resources Department’s statement that it knows of five training system contracts, not the 20 Proposition E claims in the legal text of the measure, as a justification and reason to consolidate all City contracting under the City Administrator. Clearly, it was eliminated from the final BLA’s analysis, given a clearly unsupportable false assertion.

Proposition F: More “Unitary Executive” Power to the Mayor

The Mayor could fire 27 of 62 department heads at will, up from five, including the heads of Police, Fire, Public Health, the MTA, the PUC, the Airport, and Recreation and Park. Commissions would need to forward only one candidate, instead of three names on a “short list” from which the Mayor could choose a new Department Head. Nearly all members of Boards, Commissions, and advisory bodies would become removable without cause, as so-called “at will” appointees.

The BLA calls the added cost “modest,” about $268,000 a year if Department Head turnover were to double. That figure spreads three severance payments across all 26 recent departures. But firing power adds involuntary departures, exactly the kind that trigger severance payment awards to Department Heads removed involuntarily. Counted properly, each added firing costs about $117,000, and doubles turnover costs to about $708,000 a year — roughly 2.6 times the BLA’s figure.

Between its draft and final analyses, the BLA deleted its finding that only one of those 26 departures was involuntary, along with research showing new administrations push out senior staff.

Proposition F would also allow an unlimited number of deputy mayors, banned by voters since 1991. Copying Boston’s 14 Deputy Mayors would cost about $4 million a year with benefits. The Planning Department’s own organizational chart cites an anticipated “Charter Reform November 2026” step toward a merged permitting department, even before anyone has voted on “Prop F.”

What the BLA Report Ducked

Walton asked 14 questions. Two were dropped outright and several were narrowed, with no explanation. The final fixed surface errors — wrong dates, impossible numbers, a $1 million misstatement — but left most substantive problems standing. Proposition A, which moves nine commissions out of the Charter, got no BLA analysis at all.

Still, the BLA’s own conclusion states the stakes plainly: These measures trade fewer independent checks for faster executive action handing too much “unitary executive” power to the Mayor, at the cost of vastly reducing Board of Supervisors review and oversight over City contracts, Board control of procurement law, and citizens’ ability to reach the ballot.

A generative AI review of the final BLA report, graded as a policy analysis in a graduate government course, gave it a “C” for responsiveness to Walton’s request, a “D+” as a public service to voters, and a “C–” overall. The generative AI’s low grades were well deserved, given the AI’s overall summary, which reads:

“Many of the impacts appear to affect[democratic City] governance leaving the question of whether clearer executive accountability and faster administrationwarrant fewer independent checks [-and-balances to governance], and [public] oversight, [including] the loss of Board review for a substantial number and dollar value of contracts, the City Administrator's exclusive control over procurement legislation, and the higher bar for citizen [ballot measure] initiatives.”

If you haven’t voted yet, please weigh these facts before you do. And please forward this to anyone who hasn’t mailed in their ballot.

Thank you for reading, and thank you for voting.

Patrick

To see Supervisor’s Walton’s July 14 cost inquiry of Mayor Lurie’s Propositions D, E, and F, the Budget and Legislative Analyst’s draft and final inadequate cost analysis reports, and the two generative AI critique’s of the BLA’s deficient cost analysis, they can be accessed on-line,

10/18/2026

The CSU Reaches Tentative Agreement with United Auto Workers
https://www.calstate.edu/csu-system/news/Pages/The-California-State-University-Reaches-Tentative-Agreement-with-United-Auto-Workers-.aspx
10/16/2026
The tentative agreement includes 8% in salary increases plus a one-time payment for UAW members

csu-statement.jpeg
​The California State University (CSU) has reached a tentative agreement with United Auto Workers (UAW) Local 4123 that would provide meaningful compensation increases for Unit 11 employees. UAW 4123 represents over 10,000 academic student workers across the CSU system.

Under the tentative agreement, eligible UAW represented employees would receive:

A $3.2 milli​on compensation pool for one-time payments
A 4% salary increase retroactive to July 1, 2026
An additional 4% salary increase effective July 1, 2027
“This agreement demonstrates the shared commitment of both parties to find common ground and take action in the best intere​sts of the CSU’s valued employees,” said CSU Chancellor Mildred García. “While labor negotiations are never easy, they are essential to fairly compensating and supporting our dedicated employees, allowing the CSU to remain fiscally sustainable and ensuring that we stay on a path that advances student success for years to come.”

The agreement comes less than a week after the CSU reached a similar tentati​ve agreement with the Academic Professionals of California.

The CSU remains committed to working with its labor partners to reach agreements that provide competitive compensation and high-quality benefits while supporting students and maintaining the university’s long-term financial sustainability.

For all labor relations updates, visit Labor and Employee Relations | CSU.

Techno Fascists Give Millions To Centralize Power In SF & Allow More CorruptionSF mayor's three ‘Clean Up City Hall’ mea...
10/16/2026

Techno Fascists Give Millions To Centralize Power In SF & Allow More Corruption
SF mayor's three ‘Clean Up City Hall’ measures get $12.8 million in support
https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/politics/sf-mayors-three-clean-up-city-hall-measures-get-12-8-million-in-support/article_62f62e4b-1ab6-4545-81c3-98b5ab4ba07e.html
By Patrick Hoge | Examiner staff writer Oct 14, 2026

Raising the signature threshold for ballot measures — as Mayor Daniel Lurie’s Proposition D would do — would increase the cost of qualifying initiatives from $320,000 to $1.5 million, according to estimates in a new report from the Board of Supervisors Budget and Legislative Analyst.

The nearly 370% cost increase “would likely make qualification through predominantly volunteer signature gathering substantially more difficult and increase campaigns’ reliance on paid petition circulators” the report states.

That, in turn, “could disproportionately constrain citizen-led campaigns and reduce the range of organizations able to qualify measures for the ballot,” according to the report, which said community organizations and nonprofit coalitions generally have less capacity to raise funds for signature-gathering than “well-financed interests.”

The point goes to the heart of the main controversy arising from Lurie’s three Clean Up City Hall charter-reform measures on the Nov. 3 ballot — propositions D, E and F.

Critics of the measures contend that making initiatives more difficult to pursue would undermine democracy to the benefit of the rich. Their supporters argue that San Francisco’s comparatively lax access rules have led to bloated ballots, poorly conceived proposals and political gamesmanship.

Lurie promises the three charter-reform measures — which he unveiled together with Board of Supervisors President Rafael Mandelman in March — will increase government efficiency and accountability while cutting down on waste and corruption.

Prop. D, in particular, would raise the signature threshold for qualifying ordinance initiatives for a regular election from 2% of registered voters to 8%, which today would mean an increase from an estimated 10,615 valid signatures to 42,460.

Mayor Daniel Lurie (seen in September) says his trio of ballot measures will increase government efficiency and accountability while cutting down on waste and corruption.
Craig Lee/The Examiner
Supporters say The City is an outlier for having such a low signature threshold. They say the statewide standard for signatures is 10%, as it is in Oakland.

In addition to requiring more signatures, Prop. D would eliminate the ability of a minority of supervisors to put measures on the ballot — something proponents say no other city in the state allows — mandating instead that a majority of the 11-member Board of Supervisors vote to put something on the ballot.

It would also eliminate the mayor’s ability to put measures on the ballot unilaterally — another thing proponents say no other city in the state allows— which Lurie said would “cement a fair balance of power.”

And Prop. D would allow proponents to withdraw a measure after it qualifies for the ballot — for example, if a drafting error is discovered, as happened in 2022, when proponents successfully appealed to a judge to let them remove a proposed tax initiative.

In sum, advocates say Prop. D will result in higher quality ballot proposals and shorter ballots, and it will push city officials to work together to achieve policy solutions.

“We’re the only city that allows a minority of supervisors to throw anything on the ballot without public vote or community input,” Lurie said in a recent video on Instagram. “We also require 80 percent fewer signatures than the state standard.”

“Special interests weaponize the system to push intentionally confusing measures instead of focusing on solving problems,” he said. “Prop. D ensures that measures that reach the ballot are shaped through transparency, compromise and community input.”

Prop. E, meanwhile, would centralize city contracting authority with the City Administrator. Prop. F would increase mayoral authority to hire and fire department heads, reorganize departments, and remove members of boards and commissions.

The Board of Supervisors and city boards and commissions would lose authority in those areas, the Budget and Legislative Analyst report said.

Prop. F would also let the mayor hire deputy mayors with authority over executive-branch departments, which would enhance mayoral authority, it said.

The 57-page, largely technical report was produced at the request of District 10 Supervisor Shamann Walton, who signed a ballot argument against Prop. D along with Mike Casey, president of the San Francisco Labor Council and former president of Unite Here Local 2.

Supervisors Jackie Fielder and Myrna Melgar, among others, also appear as opponents.

Asked about the report, Walton said via text that “the entire focus of the mayor’s changes is to ensure that people with means have all of the say in San Francisco.”

“The wealth gap continues to grow, housing/rent costs are astronomical and the fact that it would cost so much to qualify ballot initiatives further demonstrates that the mayor’s oligarchy does not want anyone who is not well off to thrive in San Francisco,” Walton said.

On the other side, Max Szabo, a spokesman for the Clean Up City Hall campaign, said that the measures “will fix the most corrupt parts of the system.”

“San Franciscans are paying the cost of a City Hall system that only works for special interests and the insiders opposing reform,” he said. “They trick voters at the ballot, misuse taxpayer dollars and then escape accountability.”

“Insiders and narrow interests exploit the rules and hijack our democratic process at the expense of everyday people,” Szabo said.

Szabo called Prop. D “a common-sense reform that strengthens the citizen-initiative process, keeps San Francisco’s signature requirement one of the lowest in the entire state, and is widely backed by a coalition including labor unions, small businesses, and community advocates.”

The Clean Up City Hall campaign had raised a whopping $12.8 million via 47 contributions — more than all seven other November ballot measures combined.

Several billionaires topped the donor list, including venture capitalist Michael Moritz, who gave $2.6 million; blockchain pioneer Chris Larsen, the co-founder and executive chairman of Ripple Labs who along with his wife, Lyna Lam, gave a combined $2.5 million; and investor John Pritzker, who gave $1 million.

Moritz bankrolled a ballot measure voters rejected in November 2024 that would have increased the power of the mayor while halving the number of The City’s appointed commissions and advisory bodies.

While there are critics of Prop. E and Prop. F, there are no funded campaigns against them. Only Prop. D inspired an opposition campaign committee that has raised money — though the Fair Access, No on D campaign was grossly outmatched in terms of cash.

District 10 Supervisor Shamann Walton (seen in January 2025): “The entire focus of the mayor’s changes is to ensure that people with means have all of the say in San Francisco.”
Craig Lee/The Examiner
Numerous organizations have taken positions against Prop. D, but the measure’s opponents had raised just $205,700. The largest contributions came from a nonprofit housing provider and several labor organizations.

The top donor was the affordable-housing nonprofit Tenants and Owners Development Corporation, which chipped in $80,000.

Peter Stevens, the director of advocacy and arts at TODCO, said his organization had issues with all three of the mayor’s charter reform measures, but chose to focus on Prop. D because it was the “most egregious.”

“From our position, this was something that would create basically second-class citizens who are not allowed to access a right that we’ve all had for a very long time,” Stevens said.

Citizens have long used initiatives in San Francisco to address important issues such as fighting corruption and “corporate overreach,” he said.

“We see this as an attack on democracy, just straight up,” he said. “Why is this small group of people spending so much money to remove this right from everyday citizens?”

Szabo said it was “ironic” that the top funder for the effort against Prop. D was TODCO, given that the organization got a judge to let it withdraw a proposed tax measure from the November 2022 ballot because a drafting error could have let Amazon avoid the desired levy.

Keeping ill-considered measures off the ballot is one of the goals of Prop. D, Szabo said.

The Clean Up City Hall campaign has many endorsements from unions and other entities, as well as from numerous political figures, including U.S. Rep. Nancy Pelosi and six of The City’s 11 supervisors.

One is Mandelman, who said the low bar to qualify initiatives has encouraged people inside and outside of City Hall to pursue measures addressing complex issues that would be best addressed through the normal legislative process, with the result often being confusion and frustration for voters.

“It’s been very, very easy to get measures in front of the voters,” Mandelman said. “I don’t know that that leads to the best policymaking.”

The Budget and Legislative Analyst report said community organizers interviewed said Prop. D “would substantially change the resources needed for a grassroots campaign,” and that community groups interviewed said that predominantly volunteer signature-gathering efforts would become “impractical.”

Research on campaign finance in the context of direct democracy — including petition circulation — is limited, but it generally supports the perspective of local organizers that “higher signature thresholds can reduce access to the ballot and widen disparities between grassroots campaigns and campaigns backed by large donors,” the report said.

Daniel Anderson, a spokesman for the no on D campaign, said the report confirmed what the opposition had been saying about the increased cost of qualifying ballot measures, although he said the report estimated the added costs would be even higher.

Anderson contended that Prop. D will not necessarily reduce the number of ballot measures, but it will change who can get access to voters.

“Do you have $1 million or $1.5 million to spend on signature gathering?” he said. “If so, it’s open season on the ballot. And if you don’t have that kind of money to spend, then you’re pretty well locked out.”

But District 2 Supervisor Stephen Sherrill, who has been campaigning for the Clean Up City Hall measures, said higher signature requirements have not caused problems in other cities across the state.

“Ballot measures should be about existential things under the charter or larger tax measures that are really critical, and allowing people to weaponize the ballot box has led to gridlock, has led to a lack of affordability,” Sherrill said.

“Representative democracy is all about electing leaders who you then hold accountable, and allowing special interests to weaponize the ballot box doesn’t make a lot of sense, and has led to a lot of the problems that we see today,” he said.

Sherrill said a major takeaway from the Budget and Legislative Analyst report should be that the charter-reform measures won’t cost the city money. The city Controller’s Office also separately said the measures would have a minimal effect on the cost of city operations.

Sherrill predicted that the contracting-reform provisions of Prop. E “will almost undoubtedly save The City a significant amount of money over time as contracting processes get better.”

Prop. E would concentrate more contracting authority with the mayor and the city administrator, who would have greater authority to set contract standards by introducing ordinances or adopting rules, regulations or policies, the report states.

Prop. E would also increase thresholds for contract reviews by city supervisors, notably by from $10 million to $25 million for new expenditure contracts, which supporters say would account for inflation.

Increased efficiencies could potentially save millions of dollars depending on implementation, the Budget and Legislative Analyst report said.

Between 2023 and 2025, the supervisors reviewed expenditure contracts totaling about $12.5 billion. Had the proposed thresholds been in effect, the number of reviews would have fallen from 304 to 115, with about $2.5 billion in contracts — about $830 million per year — not subject to review by the board, the report said.

The current $10 million threshold for reviewing contracts is already significantly higher than for other selected peer jurisdictions, which generally require approval from the presiding city council or board of supervisors for contracts ranging from $25,000 to $5 million, it said.

The report said the legislative-review process generally adds about two to three weeks to the board’s approval process. That’s in addition to the broader contracting process, which can take six to 12 months, according to the City Administrator’s Office, the report said.

Prop. E would also grant the City Administrator authority to adopt and amend rules and regulations governing procurement, to establish policies and standards, and to direct and supervise The City’s information-technology systems. It would increase the city administrator’s term from five years to 10.

Control of introducing most procurement legislation would shift from the Board of Supervisors and mayor to the city administrator. The board’s authority to amend such legislation would be eliminated, the report said.

Prop. F, meanwhile, would bolster mayoral authority in various ways, including by increasing the powers of the mayor to hire and fire department heads and to reorganize and merge departments.

It would increase from five to 11 the number of department heads the mayor could solely hire, granting the mayor full appointment authority for the heads of several departments, including Building Inspection, the Entertainment Commission, Planning, Public Works, Homelessness and Supportive Housing, and the Office of Small Business.

The report said the mayor currently has no appointment authority over 25 department heads — who are selected entirely by boards or commissions, or elected by voters — out of The City’s 62 departments, and he has limited authority for 32 more.

For 21 departments, commissions now submit at least three qualified applicants from whom the mayor may choose. Seven other department heads are appointed by the city administrator, with mayoral concurrence, and four others combine the mayor’s appointments with approvals by other appointing authorities, the report said.

The five agencies for which the mayor now has independent appointment authority are the Department of Early Childhood; the Department of Children, Youth and Their Families; the Office of Economic and Workforce Development; the Department of Emergency Management; and the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development.

Prop. F would increase the number of departments over which the mayor has sole authority to remove department heads from five to 27. Boards and commissions remove most others.

The mayor has no authority to remove the heads of 27 city departments. For another 30 departments, the mayor either shares removal authority with other city officials or bodies, or he has another role in the removal process.

Prop. F would let appointing authorities, including the mayor, remove board and commission members without cause, whereas currently official misconduct is required.

Though some say the current setup blurs lines of accountability, Walton said the mayor already has a great deal of sway.

“There is theory, and there is practice,” Walton said. “The mayor has a great amount of power under today’s governmental structure. Even though commissions may conduct a hiring process for certain department heads, in practice the mayor is still in control.”

Mandelman also sponsored a fourth measure — Proposition A, which a supermajority of nine supervisors sent to the ballot in July — to make 110 “fixes” to the city charter.

It is referred to in some official election materials as part of the Clean Up City Hall package, though it is not on that campaign’s website, and it has its own committee.

Prop. A would modify boards, commissions and advisory bodies; change departmental operations and reporting requirements; change how supervisors approve settlements or dismissals of legal proceedings recommended by the city attorney; remove provisions allowing disciplinary action against striking employees outside of the police and fire departments; and make edits and changes to the charter and past voter-approved ordinances, according to the city Controller’s Office.

It would save $365,000 to $450,000 annually by eliminating the Sanitation and Streets Commission; the Public Works Commission; and the Street Artists and Craftsmen Examiners Advisory Committee, with other costs and savings possible, the controller said.

The Prop. A campaign had raised about $410,000. The top contribution of $150,000 came from Moritz, followed by $100,000 from Larsen.

Hugely outspent opponents say democracy is on the line.

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PO Box 720027 San Francisco
San Francisco, CA
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