Initiative for Criminal Justice Reforms

Sierra Leone’s Silent Crisis: When Public Services Fail and Justice Remains Idle
By Tamba Eric Sourie, Chief Executive, (ICJR)
In a country where justice is often proclaimed but rarely pursued, the people of Sierra Leone continue to endure systemic neglect from agencies established to serve them. Whether it is the inconsistent and dangerous supply of electricity by the Electricity Distribution and Supply Authority (EDSA) or the inefficiencies of other service-providing institutions, citizens suffer in silence while those responsible for their suffering operate with impunity.
Across Freetown and beyond, it has become a common tale; homes plunged into darkness without warning, only to be lit up again with unstable surges that destroy appliances and, in extreme cases, cause fires. These power fluctuations have led to devastating consequences: charred homes, destroyed businesses, and displaced families. And yet, not a single meaningful accountability mechanism has been enforced.
The actions or inaction of EDSA tell a troubling story. Reports are rife of untrained individuals, often with no identifiable uniform or ID, tampering with electricity poles and transformers. Many residents have witnessed such persons making adjustments to the national grid in their neighborhoods with no technical oversight. They claim to be agents of EDSA, yet no documentation proves it. The consequences of these reckless interventions are grave, and the people are left to bear the burden alone.
This is not an isolated issue. From the National Water Resources to the mobile network providers, from road maintenance authorities to municipal waste management services, a web of dysfunction binds Sierra Leone’s public institutions. Payments are made for services, yet services are not delivered or are delivered poorly, sporadically, and without accountability.
What’s more disheartening is the absence of legal redress. The courts, which ought to serve as a sanctuary for justice, remain unapproached. The silence of Sierra Leone’s legal community on these pressing issues is deafening. Every day, hundreds of lawyers stroll the streets of Freetown and other urban areas, many unemployed or underutilized, while injustices fester all around them.
It begs the question: When will our lawyers rise? When will they see their profession not just as a means of personal income but as a sacred duty to uphold the rights of the citizenry? The courts of Sierra Leone must not remain dormant while public institutions continue to trample on citizens’ dignity and security.
Legal action, particularly public interest litigation, can be a powerful tool in holding agencies accountable. It can force transparency, improve service delivery, and protect the rights of everyday people. But this requires courage, coordination, and a renewed sense of national duty from our legal practitioners.
To our lawyers, we say: the time to act is now. Take on the cases of the people. File those suits. Challenge those responsible. Use your training, your voice, and your position to fight for the betterment of Sierra Leone. In doing so, you will not only be defending justice, you will be shaping the future of this nation.
Let the legal fraternity awaken to its calling. Let justice no longer be a luxury for the privileged few but a right accessible to every Sierra Leonean, rich or poor, educated or uneducated, in Freetown or in the farthest corner of the provinces.
The courts are waiting. The people are watching. The country is depending on you.

"Policing at a Crossroads: Can Sierra Leone’s Police Reform Bill Pave the Way for a Modern Force?"
By Tamba Eric Sourie, Chief Executive, (ICJR)
In a move hailed by many as historic, the Sub-Committee on the Review of the Police Act has submitted the draft Police Bill 2025 to the Minister of Internal Affairs. The ceremony, held in the Ministry’s conference hall and attended by the Inspector General of Police, signals Sierra Leone’s intent to move away from its colonial-era 1964 Police Act toward a modern, accountable, and people-centered policing system.
Coming at a time of widespread concern over corruption, under-resourcing, and unprofessional conduct, the new bill offers both promise and a test: can legislative reform truly transform the culture and capacity of the Sierra Leone Police?
There is no denying that the Sierra Leone Police has faced intense criticism over the years. Accusations of brutality, political bias, and extortion continue to overshadow the efforts of many hard-working officers operating under impossible conditions. Many officers are poorly paid, ill-equipped, and lacking even basic tools like radios or functioning vehicles.
But the blame cannot fall entirely on the rank-and-file. The institution itself suffers from chronic underinvestment and a lack of structural autonomy. “You can’t expect a first-world policing standard from a force operating with third-world logistics,” noted one senior officer off the record.
One of the less discussed but profoundly important gaps in Sierra Leone’s policing framework, is the absence of a legally recognized police union. In most democratic societies, police unions serve a dual role: advocating for the welfare of officers while reinforcing professional standards and ethics.
As an advocate for criminal justice reforms, I strongly believe that the establishment of a police union would enhance officers' ability to advocate for fair wages, safe working conditions, and better training, without fear of reprisal. It would also give them a structured platform to push back against undue political interference, defend professional values, and become active participants in reform rather than passive subjects of it.
With such a body, the police force could collectively bargain for fair treatment, amplify internal voices for change, and help restore public confidence by proving that reform is embraced from within.
Perhaps the most pressing concern is the lack of operational independence of the police. As it stands, the Sierra Leone Police remains structurally and functionally tethered to the executive branch. This relationship has too often opened the door to politically motivated arrests, selective enforcement, and a public perception that the police serve the government, not the people.
For policing to be effective in a democratic society, it must be impartial. That requires a legislated separation between politics and law enforcement operations, ensuring that no officer, regardless of rank, acts on political instruction.
The new Police Bill, therefore, must go beyond rhetoric. It must clearly establish operational independence, protect officers from political manipulation, and create robust oversight mechanisms to keep both police and politicians accountable.
To its credit, the Police Bill 2025 outlines several progressive reforms. These include improved training standards, decentralized command structures, human rights obligations, and a stronger emphasis on community engagement. Backed by the Government of Sierra Leone and supported by the UNDP, the bill is a product of wide-ranging consultations and expert input.
But these reforms will be hollow without institutional backing: better pay, tools, housing, and policies that empower, not suppress officers' voices. The police must be given the legal right to form unions, the operational space to act professionally, and the budgetary support to fulfill their mandate.
The submission of the Police Bill 2025 is a crucial first step. But true reform will require more than updated laws. It will demand courage, political courage to relinquish control, institutional courage to speak up from within, and public courage to support and scrutinize reform simultaneously.
The people of Sierra Leone deserve a police service that is trusted, professional, and independent. The police themselves deserve to work in dignity, free from poverty, fear, and manipulation.
This is not just about improving policing; it is about defending democracy.

“A City on the Brink: How Land Corruption, Plastic Pollution, and Government Negligence Are Destroying Freetown”

By Tamba Eric Sourie, Chief Executive, (ICJR)

From the eroding hills of Hill Top in Hill Station to the trash-littered streets of Freetown and provincial towns beyond, Sierra Leone is teetering on the edge of environmental and societal collapse. Citizens are suffocating under the weight of corruption, administrative neglect, and a glaring absence of accountability, most notably from the Ministry of Lands and Country Planning and the practically invisible Ministry of the Environment.
In a country where acquiring land should represent a step forward, it instead becomes a doorway to chaos. Corrupt officials within the Ministry of Lands routinely facilitate multiple sales of the same plot to unsuspecting buyers. Legal landowners are ousted through unauthorized evictions with no court orders, often backed by forged documents. Just yesterday, a video circulating on social media, identifies a sitting Member of Parliament in the District of Kenema, who was evicted from her home, a home as she claimed, she legally acquired over two decades ago. No proper justification. No due process. No public accountability. This is the twisted reality for thousands of Sierra Leoneans.
Tenants are similarly under siege. Landlords, emboldened by weak or non-existent tenant protection laws, serve arbitrary eviction notices, often without cause and sometimes as punishment for political dissent. In many cases, the evictions are executed violently or through informal pressure tactics, leaving entire families homeless overnight.
But the crisis extends far beyond land administration.
At Hill Top, a once serene community in the heights of Freetown, government land has been swallowed by land grabbers erecting shanty structures with no legal documentation. These unauthorized structures are then rented out to desperate families. What results is not just illegality but environmental and public health disaster. Open defecation is rampant. Trash is dumped into broken sewage lines. With no official trash collection by the Freetown City Council, garbage collectors themselves have nowhere safe to dispose of waste, forcing them to contaminate nearby waterways and drainages.
Amidst all this, one major player is conspicuously silent: The Ministry of the Environment. In fact, for many Sierra Leoneans, the Ministry’s role is so invisible that it may as well not exist.
Across Freetown and provincial cities, there is no functioning national mechanism for recycling plastic waste. Plastic bottles, sachet water bags, and wrappers from the dozens of water companies operating in the country choke rivers, drainages, and communities. These plastics take centuries to decompose, and their accumulation produces harmful greenhouse gases, directly contributing to climate change. Yet, there has been no regulation or policy enforcement requiring manufacturers to adopt sustainable packaging or to fund recycling initiatives.
How can a Ministry of the Environment remain this passive while entire ecosystems are being poisoned and future generations endangered?
The consequences are immediate and far-reaching. Blocked drainages are time bombs waiting to explode in this rainy season. With heavy downpours, these clogged systems will cause massive floods, cholera outbreaks, mosquito breeding, and potentially another deadly landslide like the one in 2017 that claimed hundreds of lives. The National Disaster Management Agency (NDMA) must not remain a reactive body, it must act now with aggressive preventive measures, including relocating high-risk communities, enforcing building codes, and working with the Ministry of Environment to clean and green urban areas.
Sierra Leone is running out of time. If we do not act now, the price we pay will not only be in land lost or garbage uncollected, but in lives lost, families displaced, and a city undone by its own leadership vacuum.
This is a call not just to the government, but to the conscience of every Sierra Leonean.
We deserve better. And we demand it now.

The Deafening Silence of the Bio Administration Amid Koidu Holdings Ltd Fallout: Over a Thousand Workers Abandoned
By Tamba Eric Sourie
In the shadows of economic hardship and soaring living costs, over a thousand former employees of Koidu Holdings Ltd now find themselves abandoned, their livelihoods abruptly terminated without ceremony, compensation, or clear answers. The silence from the Bio administration, including the Chief Minister, the Minister of Labour, and other high-ranking government officials, has only deepened the uncertainty and despair gripping these workers and their families.
The workers, once part of a company that was a beacon of hope for many, have been laid off unceremoniously, their benefits left unpaid, and their pleas seemingly unheard. For weeks, these thousands have been left in limbo, wondering what fate awaits them in a country already grappling with economic struggles.
Despite the gravity of the situation, government officials tasked with safeguarding workers' rights and ensuring industrial justice remain conspicuously silent. Neither the Chief Minister nor the Minister of Labour have publicly addressed the crisis or taken steps to intervene. This void of leadership has left many questioning whether their plight is recognized at the highest levels of governance.
Adding a complex twist to the unfolding drama, the First Lady, Madam Fatima Bio herself, has emerged as a vocal champion of the aggrieved workers. Spearheading protests that have drawn national attention, the First Lady’s involvement has sparked a legal confrontation between her and the management of Koidu Holdings Ltd, further intensifying the spotlight on the company’s failure to uphold its responsibilities.
Yet, while the First Lady’s bold stance brings hope to some, it also starkly contrasts with the government’s muted response. This dichotomy raises uncomfortable questions about accountability and the political will to protect vulnerable citizens during times of crisis.
The human toll is palpable. Families dependent on wages now face insecurity, and communities are bracing for the ripple effects of unemployment at an already precarious moment in Sierra Leone’s economy. For many, the silence from the Bio administration feels like abandonment, a betrayal in a time when leadership is most needed.
As the legal battle looms and protests continue, thousands remain in the dark, desperate for clarity on their futures. The country watches closely, hoping for a resolution that restores dignity and security to the workers, and for leaders who will break their silence and act.

School Children at Risk: The Growing Need for Crossing Guards in Sierra Leone’s Urban Streets
By Tamba Eric Sourie, Chief Executive, (ICJR)
Every morning and afternoon across Sierra Leone’s capital city, a quiet danger looms. Schoolchildren, some as young as five, are left to navigate busy highways and bustling intersections without any form of crossing assistance. With schools positioned dangerously close to motorways, the absence of trained crossing guards is putting lives at risk and raising serious concerns among parents and community members.
In high-traffic areas like New England, where the International School is located, or the busy stretches of Lumley in the west and Ferry Junction in the east, it is common to see children darting across chaotic roads. With reckless motorists, speeding bike riders, and unpredictable kekeh drivers dominating the roadways, these children are exposed to life-threatening danger daily.
“It’s heartbreaking,” says Aminata Kamara, a mother of two who walks her children to school every day. “Not every parent can afford to es**rt their children. Some of these children cross alone, and the roads are not safe. One mistake from a driver, and it could cost a life.”
The problem is not just the lack of crossing guards, but also the inadequate presence of traffic wardens and police officers, who are stretched thin across the city. Even where they are present, their primary focus is often on vehicular control rather than pedestrian safety, especially that of school-aged children.
In cities around the world, school zones are typically fortified with clear signage, speed limits, and trained crossing guards. In Sierra Leone, the reality is starkly different.
“We see children crossing right in front of cars, sometimes in between moving vehicles,” says Mohamed Conteh, a commercial driver who frequents the Lumley area. “There are no signals, no guards, nothing to help these kids.”
He points out that during rush hour, traffic volume doubles, making crossing even more dangerous for the youngest and most vulnerable road users.
Many education and safety advocates argue that this is not simply a traffic management issue, it’s a public safety and child protection concern. The presence of trained crossing guards in strategic school zones could drastically reduce the risk of accidents and provide peace of mind to thousands of parents.
“It’s high time government authorities, particularly the Ministries of Education, Transport, and Internal Affairs, collaborate on a national strategy,” said Fatmata Sesay, a local community organizer in Calaba Town. “We need designated crossing guards, proper training, and awareness campaigns targeting both motorists and school communities.”
Implementing a national school crossing guard program would not only create safer streets but also offer job opportunities, particularly for youths and community volunteers. The guards could be equipped with uniforms, signs, whistles, and basic first-aid training, and deployed during school hours in the most high-risk zones.
Additionally, road safety education in schools and stricter enforcement of speed limits in school areas can play a complementary role in protecting Sierra Leone’s children.
With increasing urban traffic and a growing population of school-aged children, Sierra Leone must act now. Freetown’s streets should not be a daily hazard for its youngest citizens. The implementation of trained crossing guards is a simple yet powerful solution, one that could save lives, build public trust, and reinforce the country’s commitment to child safety and educational access.

"Criminology and Criminal Justice: Twin Pillars of Reform in Sierra Leone’s Fight Against Crime"
By Tamba Eric Sourie, Chief Executive, (ICJR)
As crime continues to evolve in Sierra Leone, from neighborhood theft to violent gang activity, the nation stands at a crossroads between punitive justice and preventative solutions. At the heart of this national discourse lie two often misunderstood but essential fields: Criminology and Criminal Justice.
While criminal justice enforces the law, criminology helps us understand the why behind the crime. And as Sierra Leone pushes toward justice reform, these two disciplines must work together to build a safer and more just society.
Criminology is the scientific study of crime, behavior, and societal influences. It focuses on uncovering the root causes of crime, whether poverty, social inequality, family breakdown, or trauma from Sierra Leone’s civil war.
“Understanding the environment that breeds crime is as important as prosecuting it,” explains Dr. Mariatu Koroma, a criminologist at the University of Sierra Leone. “Too often, we respond to symptoms without addressing the root.”
Local researchers, in collaboration with organizations like Timap for Justice and the Campaign for Good Governance (CGG), are studying patterns of youth violence, s*xual and gender-based violence (SGBV), and repeat offenses among ex-inmates. Their findings are being used to recommend policies aimed at preventing crime before it happens.
Criminology encourages data-driven crime prevention, focusing on education, employment opportunities, and community support to tackle the conditions that lead individuals into crime.
In contrast, the criminal justice system consists of the police, courts, prisons, and correctional institutions tasked with responding to crime. Its goal is to ensure offenders are arrested, prosecuted, and sentenced fairly and efficiently.
Yet, Sierra Leone’s justice system faces serious limitations. According to the Human Rights Commission of Sierra Leone (HRCSL), 70% of detainees in correctional facilities are in pre-trial detention, many without legal representation.
“Our police and courts are doing their best with limited resources,” notes Chief Superintendent Alhaji Kamara, a veteran of the Sierra Leone Police. “But without investment in training, forensic tools, and a better understanding of crime trends, we remain reactive.”
Institutions like the Legal Aid Board, Prison Watch Sierra Leone, and AdvocAid are at the forefront of pushing for a more humane, transparent, and rights-based approach within the justice system. They advocate for bail reform, speedy trials, and alternatives to incarceration, especially for women and minors.
The full potential of Sierra Leone’s justice sector lies in the intersection of criminology and criminal justice.
Criminology provides the “why” and the “how to prevent”; criminal justice provides the “what to do when it happens.” Together, they can drive a smarter, more balanced approach to public safety.
Criminology Criminal Justice
The scientific study of crime, its causes, effects, and social impact. The system used to detect, prosecute, punish, and rehabilitate criminals.
Focuses on why crime happens and how it can be prevented. Focuses on how laws are enforced and justice is administered.
• Criminology is an academic and research-based discipline, drawing from sociology, psychology, and anthropology.
• Criminal Justice is a practical and administrative field, concerned with the operation of justice institutions like police, courts, and prisons.
Professionals Involved:
• Criminologists: Researchers, policy analysts, or academics who study criminal behavior and propose preventive strategies.
• Criminal Justice Professionals: Police officers, judges, correctional officers, and legal practitioners who enforce and uphold the law.
Goals:
Criminology Criminal Justice
Understand the causes of crime and develop theories. Ensure law enforcement, due process, and public safety.
Propose long-term crime prevention strategies. Apply legal procedures and punishment to maintain order.
Example:
• A criminologist might study the link between poverty and youth violence in Sierra Leone.
• A criminal justice professional might be a police officer responding to a theft or a judge presiding over a criminal trial.
In Summary:
Aspect Criminology Criminal Justice
Nature Theoretical, research-based Practical, system-based
Core Question Why do people commit crimes? How do we process and punish crime?
Outcome Crime prevention strategies Law enforcement and adjudication
Field Type Social science Legal/Administrative
An example of this synergy is seen in the Juvenile Justice Strategy adopted by the Ministry of Social Welfare. Developed with support from UNICEF and informed by criminological research, the strategy emphasizes rehabilitation, diversion, and family reintegration over punishment.
Similarly, crime mapping projects by NGOs like Search for Common Ground and OSIWA have provided law enforcement with geographic and sociological insights into crime hotspots, helping the police deploy community-oriented interventions.
To truly reform Sierra Leone’s criminal justice landscape, experts recommend:
• Establishing criminology programs in tertiary institutions to develop homegrown researchers.
• Investing in police training on evidence gathering, human rights, and crime analysis.
• Digitizing crime records and supporting research through national data systems.
• Encouraging inter-agency collaboration between police, judiciary, corrections, and academic institutions.
“Our justice system can’t function on punishment alone,” says Fatmata Bah, a program officer at Prison Watch Sierra Leone. “We need a culture of prevention, fairness, and evidence-based decision-making.”
Sierra Leone’s path toward sustainable peace and justice will depend on a balanced integration of criminology and criminal justice. One provides the lens to understand and prevent crime; the other delivers justice when laws are broken.
As society evolves, so must our approaches. By embracing both the science of crime and the system of justice, Sierra Leone can build a future where justice is not only done but done fairly, wisely, and with lasting impact.
References
1. Human Rights Commission of Sierra Leone (HRCSL)
Annual State of Human Rights Reports (Various years) Website: https://hrc-sl.org
2. Legal Aid Board Sierra Leone
Annual Reports and Legal Aid Policy Briefs
Website: https://legalaidboard.gov.sl
3. Prison Watch Sierra Leone
Reports on prison conditions and detainee rights
Referenced in UN and civil society advocacy documents
4. AdvocAid Sierra Leone
Justice Through Eyes of Women: Annual Reports
Focus on women in conflict with the law
Website: https://advocaidsl.org
5. UNICEF Sierra Leone & Ministry of Social Welfare
National Juvenile Justice Strategy (2020–2024)
Promotes diversion, rehabilitation, and child protection
Available via UNICEF Sierra Leone or Government portal
6. Timap for Justice
Community-based paralegal reports and legal empowerment research
Website: http://timapforjustice.org
7. Campaign for Good Governance (CGG)
Civil society advocacy on legal and judicial reform
Website: https://cggsl.org
8. Search for Common Ground Sierra Leone
Projects on community security and youth violence prevention
Website: https://www.sfcg.org/sierra-leone
9. Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA)
Research and programmatic support on criminal justice reform
Website: https://www.osiwa.org
10. University of Sierra Leone – Department of Sociology and Social Work
Undergraduate research in criminology and justice-related topics
11. Sierra Leone Police – Crime Statistics Reports Periodic updates on national crime trends and patterns
Available through the Ministry of Internal Affairs or police website
12. Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) Final Report
Analysis of post-conflict violence and its legacy on justice and security
Available at: https://sierraleonetrc.org
13. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) – West Africa
Reports on criminal justice reform, drug abuse, and rule of law in Sierra Leone
Website: https://www.unodc.org

Monkeypox Crisis in Freetown: Public Health Emergency or a Donor-Driven Delay?
By: Tamba Sourie, CEO (ICJR)
The once bustling streets of Freetown are now haunted by a silent but deadly outbreak. Monkey pox, a viral zoonotic disease known for its skin lesions and fever, is spreading at an alarming rate, with Freetown urban and rural areas topping the infection charts. Hospitals are overwhelmed, public transportation remains choked with commuters, and nightlife continues unchecked in many areas, despite the rising threat.
While health professionals and civil society organizations raise alarms about the surge, the government’s response remains tepid at best. Many are beginning to question whether the sluggish attitude of President Julius Maada Bio’s administration is a result of bureaucratic fatigue or a calculated delay to court international donor funding.
The Ministry of Health and Sanitation (MoHS) has confirmed a troubling uptick in monkey pox infections over the past three months. Frontline workers in Connaught Hospital and other facilities in the capital report severe under-resourcing and limited testing kits. In communities like Kroo Bay, Wellington, and Lumley, the virus spreads rapidly through high-density settlements, fueled by overcrowding, limited hygiene, and unchecked social activities.
“People continue to rub shoulders in packed poda-podas and social events every night. Nightclubs are still open, s*x workers are still operating, and the government is behaving as if this is just another passing fever,” said Mariatu Kamara, a public health nurse based in Eastern Freetown.
Despite clear warning signs, the administration has refrained from declaring a health emergency or instituting movement restrictions. Critics now suggest that this hesitancy may be less about caution and more about convenience for those at the top.
“It’s a familiar playbook,” said Dr. Lansana Jalloh, a health governance expert. “We saw it with Ebola. The slower the response, the more dramatic the crisis, and the more likely international donors will flood the country with aid. Unfortunately, much of that aid doesn’t trickle down to the communities it’s meant for.”
Indeed, past audits from the Auditor General’s Office have revealed glaring misuse of health funds during national emergencies. The COVID-19 response, too, was marred by reports of missing supplies and unaccounted finances.
Could the current monkey pox outbreak be turning into yet another fundraising opportunity for elite profiteers?
In the absence of strict containment policies, the burden falls on everyday citizens. For traders like Abdul Sesay at Sani Abacha Street Market, the risk is constant.
“I take four taxis a day, squeezed next to people I don’t know. I see people with skin rashes and coughing. But what can I do? I need to eat,” he lamented.
Others express frustration at the lack of outreach and public education. “Where are the loudspeakers they used during COVID? Where are the posters? It’s like the government wants us to die first before they act,” said Aminata Conteh, a youth activist in Kissy.
Experts agree that several interventions are urgently required:
• Immediate restriction of nightclubs and high-risk entertainment centers.
• Limits on passenger numbers in public transport.
• Increased public awareness campaigns and community testing.
• Deployment of mobile health units in high-density zones.
• Transparency and accountability mechanisms for any incoming donor support.
Yet, none of these have been decisively implemented.
Is the government failing the people due to incompetence or is there a more sinister motive at play? Is the slow response a strategic pause to attract donor dollars that are more likely to benefit bureaucrats than the dying poor?
President Bio owes the people of Sierra Leone not just answers, but action.
As the virus continues to spread and lives hang in the balance, the time for politicking and profiteering must end. The health of the nation must come first.