Southwest Saskatchewan Pride

Rights, Safety and Belonging 🐛🦋💕

Maclean’s | Dawna Wade | August 4
In 2006, my wife, Leslie, and I moved from Georgia to Waynesville, North Carolina, a small, mostly rural town about 40 minutes from Asheville by car. The surrounding Haywood County has swung Republican in every federal election since 2000, but Waynesville has a sizable number of registered Democrats. As two out, left-wing le****ns, we always felt welcome: we flew a Pride flag on our second-floor balcony, attended a monthly q***r meetup group, wore clothes that revealed our rainbow tattoos and openly called each other “honey.”

Leslie and I briefly considered moving to Canada in 2016, during Trump’s first foray in office. I even went through the motions of securing dual citizenship through my father, who was born in Montreal. But, ignoring the experience of my Eastern European ancestors who didn’t escape the Holocaust, Leslie and I decided to wait and see in the States.

Every day, we’d go, “Oh my God, Trump can’t get any worse,” and then he would. It started in 2017, when his administration reversed the Obama-era bathroom protections for trans people, and it snowballed from there. It wasn’t just what Trump himself was saying or doing, about LGBTQ+ issues or otherwise; it was how that big orange cootie’s rhetoric gave bigoted people permission to be as ugly as they wanted, out in the open. In 2024, during Haywood County’s first sanctioned Pride festival, a crowd of religious folks protested with signs and megaphones, saying we were all damned to hell. After that, we knew it was time to go.

In the days following Trump’s second election that November, Leslie and I began the slow process of packing up our 3,600-square-foot Waynesville home and disengaging from our community. We passed on Pride and let our memberships to our favourite South Carolina theatre lapse. Pretty quickly, we realized we couldn’t afford a house near Montreal, so we eyed further east. We looked at places in Moncton and Fredericton, but nothing grabbed us. Then, later that winter, I posted a query on a page for Nova Scotia residents: “I’m one half of an older, q***r, Jewish, left-wing couple. Is that going to be a problem there?”

That’s where we connected with Jody Allen, a local realtor who helped several LGBTQ+ American families settle in the province last year. We became fast friends and hired him to scout properties for us. He found our perfect house: a centuries-old heritage home in Annapolis Royal, Nova Scotia, previously owned by the family of Daurene Lewis, Canada’s first Black female mayor. I soon received my Canadian passport in the mail, and we filed the necessary paperwork for Leslie’s permanent residency.

Our house in Waynesville finally sold this past May. We left for Canada the next day with our cat and three dogs, towing a utility trailer behind us. If Leslie and I had any doubts about leaving the States, our border-crossing experience in Calais, Maine, made them disappear. The American agents chastised me for forgetting our 14-digit internal transaction number, required to export a vehicle from the U.S. into Canada. I didn’t question the rules, only their rudeness. The Canadian agent refused us entry for the same reason, but kindly explained the process to us; it was like night and day. We spent a couple of nights at a Calais motel before successfully crossing the border.

Like Waynesville, Annapolis Royal (population: 530) is teeny-tiny but vibrant. The downtown strip has a brewery, two bookstores, art galleries and even a natural-foods store—essential for a vegan like me. We’ve eaten at one of the restaurants, Brown Dog Kitchen Too, every week since we arrived. (When people from other countries eat there, they scratch off their portion of the map on the wall. We’re Nova Scotians now, so Leslie and I left North Carolina alone.) The woman who runs the Mad Hatter Wine Bar always asks us how the unpacking is going. I even volunteered to tell the story of our escape from the U.S. at this year’s Pride festival.

Leslie and I may not have had to learn a new language, but in every other way, we’ve completely started over. At 74, that can be exhausting. For instance, I still don’t totally understand the metric system. (What is a kilometre, anyway?) We had to apply for medical coverage, and we still don’t have a family doctor.

I recently saw a picture of the Blue Ridge Mountains on an American friend’s page and, I’ll admit, my heart skipped a beat. I still worry about the q***r friends we left behind in Waynesville, but the U.S. no longer feels like home. Leslie and I know our journey to Canada was the right thing to do. Down south, democracy is dying; here, we can take deep breaths again. Our shoulders have lowered. We’ll raise our rainbow Canada flag at the end of our driveway and not think twice.

Edmonton Journal | James L. Turk, Toni Samek | August 12
This is a defining moment for public libraries across Canada. All are waiting anxiously to see how Alberta public libraries respond to the most serious act of censorship of public libraries in Canadian history.

In unprecedented legislation, the Danielle Smith government has given the minister of Municipal Affairs sole authority over governance, administration, and even what materials each individual library in Alberta can have in its collection and which of those must be withheld from certain library users.

This bill shatters the long tradition of Alberta public libraries as community institutions, governed by local library boards, with knowledgeable and experienced staff who implement the local library board policies to ensure collections, programs, and services are consistent with the needs and interests of their community, not dictated by the ideology of the current provincial government.

Because of this local control and community-based focus, Alberta public libraries have built up a remarkable degree of respect among the public. A survey conducted earlier this year by Trend Research, in partnership with Janet Brown Opinion Research, found that 82 per cent of Albertans say they trust public libraries to decide what materials should be available — an unprecedented level of public confidence in a public institution.

Alberta’s public libraries face a genuine dilemma. They can uphold their commitment to intellectual freedom by refusing to be partners with the government in censoring library materials. But, if they do, they face the wrath of the Smith government. Alternatively, they can abandon their longstanding values of intellectual freedom, access. equity, and privacy by complying with the central government’s orders.

The rest of the country is watching with bated breath because politicians in other provinces want to censor libraries, too. These politicians and the advocacy groups like Action4Canada that pushed the government to censor material will be inspired if Alberta’s public libraries fail to use every weapon they have to fight this shameful abandonment of basic Charter rights and key provisions of the Convention of the Rights of the Child to which Canada and 195 other countries are signatories.

Let’s be clear. The Alberta government is imposing an arguably unconstitutional limitation of Canadians’ freedom of expression rights, their equality rights (since much of what the government is targeting is LGBTQ+-friendly material), and an unconstitutional blanket restriction on the rights of young teenagers which, if implemented, would give them no right to have access to any library material the government wants restricted unless they have written permission of their parents.

Public libraries do have a good option — an option that is built into the Canadian system of government. If a provincial legislature or the Parliament of Canada passes a law that appears to be an unconstitutional restriction of rights, the matter can be taken to court so that Canadian courts can determine whether the government’s action is an undue restriction on constitutional rights.

A legal challenge will be expensive as it will likely make its way to the Supreme Court. But the legal costs will be a small fraction of what public libraries are already anticipating having to budget to restructure library space to implement the restriction requirements of the government’s regulations.

This is an issue of professional ethics, local democracy, expressive freedom, and courage. Future generations will ask whether public libraries defended these values when it mattered most, or whether they became instruments of censorship.

We hope Alberta’s public libraries will do the right thing.

James L. Turk is director of the Centre for Free Expression at Toronto Metropolitan University.

Toni Samek is professor emerita, School of Library and Information Studies, University of Alberta, and senior scholar at the Centre for Free Expression.

Get offline and chat! Just 15 minutes of in-person conversation with someone you disagree with can result in lasting change. 👋

Teachers, let’s end gender-based violence!🫶

It’s Not Just (INJ) is a campaign created in collaboration with youth-serving organizations. Its goal is to empower young people ages 14 to 24 to recognize, call out and help end the behaviours and attitudes that contribute to gender-based violence (GBV).

The campaign reminds young people that GBV is not just physical, and it’s not just an adult problem.

Educators like you can use the campaign’s workbooks, learning modules and infographics to:
• Teach students to recognize GBV using youth-friendly materials.
• Create conversations about healthy relationships. Incorporate the workbooks, scenarios and discussion questions into lessons.
• Help students respond and access support.

Learn more, share, and explore the resources:
https://www.canada.ca/en/women-gender-equality/campaigns/gender-based-violence-its-not-just.html

The Conversation Canada| Brittany Jakubiec August 9
For a long time, Canadian attitudes toward gender diversity moved in one direction: progressive acceptance. In May 2026, however, Statistics Canada released new findings showing that, compared to 2018, significantly fewer people in 2025 are supportive of diverse gender expressions and transgender people.

From October 2024 to June 2025, survey data was collected from 48,547 people 15 years of age and older in Canada as part of the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces. The survey was completed either online (self-administered) or by phone (by an interviewer) and collected information on Canadians’ experiences in public, at work, online and in their intimate relationships. The survey was conducted to ensure representation by geographical region, age and gender.

Two questions focused on gender identity and expression. Survey respondents were asked the extent to which they agreed with these statements: 1. People should be able to express their gender however they choose. 2. I would support a family member if they came out as transgender.

Compared to 2018, significantly fewer people in 2025 agreed that individuals should be free to express their gender however they choose. While the majority of Canadians do support diverse gender expressions, support has decreased.

As Statistics Canada reports: “These changes were the most substantial among all eight gender-based violence, gender expression and gender equality statements included in the survey.” The agency notes these attitude shifts have coincided with a period of heightened public debate over the rights of transgender and gender diverse people.

The numbers behind the shift

Importantly, support fell among women and men. The percentage of women supporting a diversity of gender expressions fell from 85 per cent in 2018 to 77 per cent in 2025. Support among men was even lower, falling from 78 per cent in 2018 to 70 per cent in 2025.

The decline was steepest in Saskatchewan, where support for diverse gender expressions among women fell 14 percentage points, from 83 per cent in 2018 to 69 per cent in 2025.

Among 15- to 24-year-olds, there was a striking difference in support for diverse gender expressions between women (82 per cent supportive) and men (68 per cent supportive).

Results are similar for the survey question about whether Canadians would support a family member if they came out as transgender. In 2018, 80 per cent of women said they would be supportive; this decreased to 77 per cent. Among men, in 2018, 72 per cent said they would be supportive; this dropped to 65 per cent in 2025. Note that comparisons from 2018 to 2025 on this survey item should be interpreted with caution because the wording changed.

These findings are consistent with polling data from the Ipsos Global LGBTQ+ Pride Report indicating that, from 2023 to 2024, Canadians became more divided and less supportive of specific measures that support transgender people, like government-issued documents that include an option other than “male” or “female.”

The political and social context

Public opinion about gender diversity reflects broader social norms and systems that can normalize discrimination and hate.

The political landscape of 2SLGBTQIA+ rights in Canada shifted in recent years. Even as the federal government expanded recognition of these rights, including through the 2022 Federal 2SLGBTQI+ Action Plan, several provinces moved in the opposite direction.

Between 2023 and 2025, New Brunswick, Saskatchewan and Alberta passed legislation restricting the rights of trans and gender-diverse individuals to access a safe school environment. Alberta also implemented restrictions to gender-affirming healthcare for youth and participation in sport for trans women and girls.

During this timeframe, anti-trans sentiment and discourse became louder and more visible. This includes discourse by political leaders as well as online dehumanization and mis- and disinformation.

Trans and gender-diverse people only make up 0.33 per cent of the population in Canada. While no similar statistics exist for Canada, 41 per cent of Americans say they know a trans person, and only 27 per cent have had regular conversations with a trans person. This makes public messaging a significant influence on public attitudes.

When political leaders, like Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, weaponize trans-exclusionary framing, support for trans rights drops significantly. For example, when the inclusion of trans girls and women is presented as a risk to cis gender women and girls, it has detrimental impacts on public attitudes.

Decreased support for trans people and diverse gender expressions also corresponds with an increase in outright hostility, including hate crimes.

Egale Canada’s recent analysis of 2024 police-reported hate crime data from Statistics Canada illustrates that incidents targeting gender identity and expression are rising. Reported hate crimes targeting trans and gender-diverse individuals have nearly tripled since 2020.

What actions can be taken?

There are concrete actions that public figures, like politicians and other decision-makers, can take that will prevent public opinion from becoming even more hostile toward trans and gender-diverse individuals.

First, start with meaningful consultation with 2SLGBTQIA+ organizations when developing laws and policies affecting trans and gender-diverse communities, paying particular attention to those most impacted.

Increase public education and prevention initiatives that promote acceptance while countering anti-2SLGBTQIA+ mis-, dis- and malinformation, including transphobic narratives.

Provide expanded access to 2SLGBTQIA+-affirming gender-based violence and mental health supports, including culturally competent services, provider training and crisis intervention.

At a local level, 2SLGBTQIA+ communities and organizations are responding to the rise in hate. It is important to allocate dedicated funding to community organizations to strengthen their capacity to respond to the escalating levels of anti-2SLGBTQIA+ hate and the negative impacts of the spread of mis-, dis- and malinformation.

As the federal government implements its “AI for All” strategy, it needs to strengthen platform accountability and advance responsible AI governance in order to combat the spread of anti-2SLGBTQIA+ hate and misinformation that can lead to hate incidents.

The recent decline in public support for gender diversity — coupled with a reduction of fundamental human rights by provincial governments — is creating a hostile climate for 2SLGBTQIA+ people, specifically those who are trans and gender diverse.

This shift in public opinion illustrates the power political leaders have to shape public discourse and the responsibility they hold to ensure individual and societal safety for everyone in Canada.

Brittany Jakubiec, Director of Research at Egale Canada, also contributed to this piece.

CBC News - Kim Kaschor - August 9
A sea of tall grass and wildflowers marks the way to the final resting place of Colten Boushie. Although his ancestors have been coming here for generations, few people outside of his immediate family know the location.

“I didn’t want nobody to hurt him,” said William Baptiste, Boushie’s older brother.

“I wanted to put him in a calm place where only our loved ones can find him.”

On Aug. 9, 2016, Boushie was killed by a single bullet to the back of the head. His body was then pulled from the vehicle he was in and left in the grass for a full day, unprotected from the elements as RCMP began investigating.

“At that time, my brother was laying dead somewhere in a field while it was raining. And there was nothing that I could do to retrieve his body,” Baptiste said.

Five years later, an independent RCMP oversight commission determined that the RCMP racially discriminated against his mother, Debbie Baptiste, on the night he died.

That same investigation would find deficiencies in the RCMP’s response, including their treatment of witnesses, unreasonable delays in obtaining search warrants and the loss of evidence.

William Baptiste said by the time his brother's body was returned to the family, his main focus was protecting Colten from further harm.

“We were in fear that somebody would desecrate my brother's grave, given how much media coverage it got [and] how much people were upset over the situation,” he said.

The killing and the subsequent trial revealed deep divides between First Nations people and non-Indigenous people in rural Saskatchewan. Gerald Stanley, the man who shot Boushie, was a white farmer from Biggar, a town just down the road from Red Pheasant Cree Nation.

At Stanley's trial, his lawyer Scott Spencer argued Stanley's handgun went off accidentally. On Feb. 18, 2018, a jury found him not guilty of either second-degree murder or manslaughter.

CBC News cannot verify the race of the 12 jurors selected for the trial, but at the time, the Boushie family said they were angered that Indigenous-looking jury candidates were challenged and excluded by Stanley's defence team.

“That case received a lot of attention across the country because it encapsulated all of the injustice that has been done to Indigenous people across Canada,” said Eleanore Sunchild, the family’s lawyer.

Sunchild agreed to represent the family in the early days of the RCMP investigation into Boushie’s death. Although Stanley was eventually charged with second-degree murder, Sunchild said early communications from RCMP framed the investigation as a “theft-related” incident rather than a murder case.

She said it was clear from the start that Boushie’s family was being discriminated against — a common experience for Indigenous families facing the justice system.

“Colten put a face to that injustice.”

Early on, the case captured the attention of Indigenous rights movements like Idle No Moe, with thousands pouring onto the streets to rally for justice.

On the other side of the racial divide stood those who defended Stanley's actions. They gathered in town halls and spoke about the right to bear arms. A GoFundMe account in support of Stanley’s legal costs surpassed its goal of $200,000.

The not guilty verdict sent shockwaves across the country.

“As long as I live, I will never forget the moment of the verdict because it felt like something hit the courthouse,” said Sunchild, who remembers the tears and the stunned silence on the family’s side of the courtroom.

“I had hoped at least that they would find manslaughter because that would have given the family a sort of closure, not complete, but some sort of closure, some sort of justice.

“But that wasn't what happened.”

Trauma triggered every time it makes the news

Ten years later, old wounds are quick to re-open, including this past May, when Tory MLA Josh Guenter called Gerald Stanley a victim during a legislative debate about the use of force to protect a person’s home. When that news broke, the impact on Boushie’s family was swift.

Manitoba Tory MLA slammed for calling farmer who killed Cree man in Sask. a victim
“We get the news on TV and it just hurt. It was just like a punch in the stomach and it was just happening all over again,” said Debbie Baptiste, who was packing lunch for a day of swimming with her grandchildren when Guenter’s comments hit the news.

“And I started feeling sick and I kept saying, 'I can't do this. I can't do this again. It hurts too much.'”

Debbie says every time her son’s death is brought up online or in the news she has to endure hateful comments and slander, especially through social media.

“Somebody always has to criticize my son, Colten Boushie, and they have to bring him out from the grave,” she said.

“And then they start saying things about him — that he was a gangster, and he was no gangster. He walked alone, he did his own things, he made his own money. He didn't need to go around stealing. He didn't need to go around with the gang.”

Colten Boushie’s family wants him remembered for more than a murder trial

This weekend marks a decade since Colten Boushie's death. The young man from Red Pheasant Cree Nation was killed after entering a Saskatchewan farmer's yard in August 2016. His family hopes he can be remembered for more than the way he died.
When Debbie thinks of her son, she remembers him as a child with Harry Potter-style glasses who loved to read.

“He said this world would get along if everybody just grabbed a good book and found a shaded tree to sit under to read it.”

Family wants him remembered as an educated, loving young man

Sunchild says she often has to remind people that Boushie was never on trial, but it often felt that way in the court of public opinion.

“Right from the start … we had to take every step, especially Debbie had to take every step she could to show Colten's humanity,” Sunchild said.

“So she would always talk about who he was as a person, you know, to make him real, because to them, to people in this province — not all of them, I must say, because there were allies that came forward — but to a lot of people in this province he was not seen as a human. He was seen as a drunken Indian, a thief, a savage Indian. You know, all of the stereotypes that have been attributed to Indigenous people since colonization, we've seen in this case.”

Debbie and William want the world to remember Colten as a loving, hardworking young man who had a bright future ahead of him.

“He was in the wrong place at the wrong time,” William said.

Despite the hateful things Debbie continues to hear about her son, she says she won’t stop fighting for him. And she encourages others who are facing similar injustices to do the same.

“Get up and fight. Don't lay down. Don't let this take you down, take your life away,” she said.

“You get up and fight, 'cause then there's a whole generation behind us. There's young people that are gonna be here when we're gone.”

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Kim Kaschor
Senior Producer, Unreserved

Kim Kaschor is a journalist living in Winnipeg. With roots in rural Manitoba, she has a passion for hyperlocal community issues, grassroots development and social justice.

Happy Guncles Day! The second Sunday of August gives us a chance to celebrate the precious gay uncles, aunts and relatives in our families. 🫶💕🦋✨

Running a bit late to open the Pride Centre! Oops! But (as soon as we get there) Saturday coffeetime is on until 2! Maybe even later if we're having fun 😜

🚐 💕🏳️‍⚧️