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The article “Ready for the Future?” by Asif Saad argues that while Pakistani organisations face global disruptive forces...
19/09/2026

The article “Ready for the Future?” by Asif Saad argues that while Pakistani organisations face global disruptive forces—technology/AI, economic and geopolitical turmoil, and a changing workforce—the deeper question is not whether they are ready for change, but whether they are prepared to learn. Many successful Pakistani businesses rely heavily on the personal capability of a founder or senior leader, which works in the short term but creates dependence and weakens institutional capability. True leadership is measured by whether the organisation can function well in the leader’s absence. Similarly, AI and new technology can improve efficiency, but they do not transform an organisation unless people, systems, and behaviours change. The author warns that many transformation programmes disappoint because they announce new strategies, dashboards, or digital teams without changing how decisions are made, how bad news flows, or how managers are rewarded. Organisations learn only when experience changes behaviour, and leaders must protect the flow of difficult information. Pakistan’s organisations do not need to imitate every global trend; they need to become learning institutions—using technology without being defined by it, developing people without abandoning accountability, and preserving purpose while still changing when failure makes change unavoidable. The question is not whether they are ready for disruption, but whether they are ready to learn. The writer advises boards and CEOs on strategy, leadership, and organisational transformation.

The article “The Forgotten NSP” by Khurram Abbas examines the fate of Pakistan’s first National Security Policy (NSP), i...
19/09/2026

The article “The Forgotten NSP” by Khurram Abbas examines the fate of Pakistan’s first National Security Policy (NSP), introduced in 2022 under the PTI government, which prioritised geo-economics and economic security but failed to achieve its objectives. The author identifies three main reasons for this failure: first, political discontinuity—successive governments abandoned the policy due to a lack of cross-party consensus, relegating it to bureaucratic limbo; second, the absence of a viable geo-economic vision in a “fortress state,” where protectionist policies, high tariffs, and a security-dominated mindset prevented trade liberalisation and export diversification; and third, a fractured and hostile neighbourhood, including India’s refusal to engage, the Taliban’s instability and TTP ties, and US sanctions on Iran, which blocked regional connectivity. To revive a geo-economic strategy, the article recommends insulating core economic policy from political swings through cross-party consensus, divorcing the economy from the security apparatus, adopting a bottom-up approach with border economic zones and transit terminals, dismantling protectionist barriers, diversifying exports, and leveraging partnerships with China and others. The author concludes that Pakistan must fundamentally rethink its regional and domestic policies to convert its renewed global influence into lasting economic growth.

Ghazan Jamal’s article examines Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi’s proposal to create more provinces by comparing it with ...
18/09/2026

Ghazan Jamal’s article examines Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi’s proposal to create more provinces by comparing it with the 2018 Fata merger with KP, which was also justified as replacing a collapsed governance system and bringing government closer to the people. Eight years later, however, the merger has not improved governance: decision-making is not more participatory, the administrative system has become more bloated and costly (expenditures rose from about Rs50bn to over Rs100bn), judicial and dispute-resolution processes remain slow, human development indicators show no systemic improvement, and militancy and casualties have worsened. The article notes that the new provinces proposal lacks the national consensus the Fata merger had, and warns that both reforms ignore the same underlying need: a responsive, well-resourced local government system that involves communities in decisions. The size of an administrative unit matters less than whether the state becomes a citizen-empowering force rather than a mere administrative entity; without this mindset shift, even logical reforms will be cosmetic and fail to address systemic problems.

The article “Why isn’t the economy growing?” argues that for Pakistanis to experience meaningful improvement in living s...
18/09/2026

The article “Why isn’t the economy growing?” argues that for Pakistanis to experience meaningful improvement in living standards, the economy must grow at near double-digit rates for decades, as Japan, South Korea, and China did after fundamental political and social restructuring, a shift from agriculture to industry, and the prioritisation of economic goals over political freedoms. Pakistan experienced some similar gains in its early decades but lost momentum in the 1970s, and today manufacturing is less than 13% of GDP, the average trade deficit is around $30 billion, and growth has stagnated at about 3.5% annually. Although stabilisation policies have produced a current account surplus, a lower fiscal deficit, reduced inflation, and an improved credit rating, growth remains too weak to offset depreciation and population growth. The article concludes that incremental policy reform cannot break the poverty trap; Pakistan needs transformative, state-led industrialisation and a restructuring of its entire political and social order.

summary of the article “Iran’s emergence” by Khurram Husain:The article argues that a dangerous moment is opening in the...
17/09/2026

summary of the article “Iran’s emergence” by Khurram Husain:

The article argues that a dangerous moment is opening in the Middle East as the US‑Israel war on Iran transitions to a stand‑off around Hormuz, and that Iran’s emergence as a regional power is now unstoppable short of catastrophic destruction of its infrastructure. Shackled by sanctions since 1979, Iran is now re‑entering the world community in a manner similar to China after détente, though its re‑entry will be far more disorderly and possibly violent. This trajectory will be shaped by internal factional wrangling between a pragmatic faction that wants the war to end and the country rebuilt, and a faction that wants to press the military advantage and deliver a humiliating defeat to the Americans. Once the Americans leave the region, Iran will turn its attention to the Gulf monarchies, extracting reparations for war damages—Foreign Minister Araghchi has demanded compensation, with figures like $270 billion and $300 billion mentioned in proposals—while retaining control of Hormuz. The Gulf monarchies will be left to pay the bill, and nobody should scoff at the demand now. China’s story is instructive: a post‑revolutionary polity can manage its re‑entry into the global system to procure maximum benefits, but whether Iran manages this similarly or decides to press its military advantage and avenge the past rather than build a future is the big question hanging over all of us today.

summary of the article “Some critical questions” by Shahab Usto:The article critically examines the proposed plan to "re...
17/09/2026

summary of the article “Some critical questions” by Shahab Usto:

The article critically examines the proposed plan to "reset" Pakistan's structure by creating new provinces, raising fundamental questions about the rationale, demand, feasibility, and likely success of such a move. The author argues that the plan has originated from "non-political" quarters without acceptable justification, and that global evidence shows a mixed pattern—some stable countries have fewer, larger units while others with many small units are perpetually broken. Reorganising state structures is risky: India's experience shows that its Reorganisation Act of 1955 was not about improving governance but about grouping linguistic communities into separate states, recognising rather than suppressing ethno-cultural identities. A referendum would lack legitimacy and credibility, as every military dictator has used it to legitimise rule. The article warns that steamrolling restructuring against the will of the people will aggravate identity-driven politics and ignite the tinderbox of a fragile multiethnic landscape. The numbers are dreadful: half the population lives in poverty, 28 million children are out of school, 40% of children are stunted, and three-fourths consume contaminated water. Instead of new units, the country needs softer options to heal societal wounds—through justice, equity, peace, opportunity, and development. The system needs a reset, but it should mean building efficient and accountable institutions, strengthening rules-based government, and allowing legitimate leadership to run political offices. A "reset" would fail if it ignored the emotional and spiritual bonding of ethno-cultural communities with their provinces, a bonding that goes beyond ideology and is the product of centuries of interplay. The writer is a lawyer.

The article warns that Saudi Arabia, which had stayed out of the Iran war, is now being drawn into a wider conflict with...
16/09/2026

The article warns that Saudi Arabia, which had stayed out of the Iran war, is now being drawn into a wider conflict with Yemen’s Houthi militia, just weeks after the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement was formed. The Houthis have struck Saudi air bases and oil facilities, targeted Saudi oil tankers in the Red Sea, and declared a naval blockade, while Saudi Arabia has intensified air strikes in Yemen. The Houthis now control much of Yemen and the Bab al‑Mandeb chokepoint, threatening global trade and energy markets already reeling from the US‑Israel‑Iran war. Although Saudi Arabia has not formally invoked the Makkah pact’s mutual defence clause, consultations are underway, and Pakistan has spoken to Iran and conveyed Saudi concerns. Pakistan’s defence minister said unprovoked aggression against Saudi Arabia would make the pact operational, though the Foreign Office later downplayed that. The article concludes that the escalation is perilous, could draw in countries that tried to stay out, and must be resolved through negotiations rather than war.

16/09/2026

summary of the essay “Should social media be banned for teenagers?”:

The essay argues that while social media is a major part of teenagers' lives—providing entertainment, connection, and information—a complete ban is not the right solution. One argument in favour of banning is its harmful impact on mental and physical health: excessive use can lead to anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, sleep problems, unrealistic comparisons, and reduced physical activity. However, social media also has positive sides: it helps teenagers learn new skills, discover interests, stay connected with friends and family, and serves as a platform for creativity, self-expression, and even building future careers. A complete ban would take away these opportunities. Instead, the essay proposes clear rules, education about safe and responsible use, and collaboration between parents, teachers, and digital platforms to guide young people and promote healthy habits. In conclusion, social media is neither entirely good nor bad; a complete ban may create more problems than it solves, and what teenagers really need is proper guidance, education, and support to use social media wisely.

Summary of the article “Burdens of politicians” by Arifa Noor:The article highlights the stark disconnect between Pakist...
15/09/2026

Summary of the article “Burdens of politicians” by Arifa Noor:

The article highlights the stark disconnect between Pakistan’s ruling elite and the daily struggles of ordinary citizens, using the anecdote of a woman in an Islamabad pharmacy who had to return a quarter of her prescribed medicines because the bill was Rs4,000. While people are forced to downgrade their lifestyles—switching from cars to motorbikes and buying lower-quality food—the political leadership remains oblivious, with the prime minister and chief minister of Punjab taking personal trips to Europe on private planes, the president doing the same, and a lavish wedding displaying grandeur. The author notes that even before the recent petrol hikes, Pakistan’s human story was already shameful: infant mortality is 46–58 per 1,000 births, nearly 20% of the population has insufficient caloric intake, and 40% of children under five are malnourished and stunted—comparable to countries hit by civil war. The government’s announcement to relaunch a subsidy scheme is vague, and the IMF is used as an excuse for not reducing the petrol levy or taxing traders and agriculture income. The article concludes that those who claim popularity through elections have different burdens than those who simply wield power, and the ruling elite must understand this difference.

summary of the article “Escaping the Cult” by Nadeem F. Paracha:The article argues that contemporary populist movements—...
15/09/2026

summary of the article “Escaping the Cult” by Nadeem F. Paracha:

The article argues that contemporary populist movements—such as Donald Trump’s MAGA in the US, Narendra Modi’s BJP in India, and Imran Khan’s PTI in Pakistan—increasingly resemble high-control cults rather than ordinary political parties. Drawing on scholars like Steven Hassan, Ruth Ben-Ghiat, and Cristóbal R. Kaltwasser, it explains that these movements centre on a charismatic, messianic leader who is presented as the sole saviour of a “pure” people against a corrupt establishment. Followers develop an all-encompassing identity, total devotion, and deep social enclosure; criticism of the leader becomes moral betrayal, and political disagreement is framed as an existential threat. Digital echo chambers and engagement-optimised algorithms reinforce this by creating “filter bubbles,” gamifying loyalty, and rewarding outrage. Leaving such movements is psychologically difficult—it resembles breaking an addiction or escaping a cult—because it involves isolation, loss of community, and identity-protective cognition. Initiatives like Leaving Maga help defectors, but the underlying dynamics persist even when these movements become mainstream. The article concludes that recovering from cult-like politics requires addressing the psychological trauma, fear, and loss of community experienced by followers.

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