22/12/2025
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एक बात मुफ़्ती जी ने बिल्कुल सटीक कही, अब भूल-चूक कह दी या सोच समझ के हिंट दिया, ये तो बड़े-बड़े स्कॉलर ही जाने, पर उनका ये कहना कि गज़ा में भूख और दरिद्रता से घिसटते बच्चे असल में एक टेस्ट हैं, डॉक्टर के इन्जेक्शन के समान हैं; बिल्कुल सही आँकलन है।
50 से अधिक देश इस्लामिक हैं, इनमें से 20 तो निश्चित ही ऐसे हैं जो सम्पन्न भी हैं। इसके अलावा योरप, नॉर्थ और साउथ अमेरिका और इंग्लैंड में भी सम्पन्न मुस्लिम्स की कमी नहीं। कमी तो भारत में भी नहीं।
लेकिन कुछ जेनुइन गिनी चुनी संस्थाओं को छोड़ दें तो बाक़ियों का सारा सपोर्ट सिर्फ ट्वीटर और यूट्यूब तक ही सीमित है। आल आइज़ ऑन यहाँ या वहाँ...
ऐसा क्यों है? ये जानना भी कोई रॉकेट साइंस नहीं। उन बच्चों का बुरा हाल कैमरा पर आता है तो संवेदनाएं बढ़ती हैं, इज़राइल को क्रूर साबित करना आसान रहता है। अमेरिका उसकी शै में है, इसलिए चुप रहने का बहाना भी मिल जाता है।
बाक़ी अरब के शेख लोगों के पास ऐसी ऐसी गाड़ियाँ होती हैं कि अगर वो एक बेच दें तो साल भर का राशन आ जाए, पर नहीं।
और ये हाल सिर्फ एक गज़ा का ही नहीं, अभी बांग्लादेश में दनादन मनॉरटीज़ कुचली जा रही हैं, अपने देश के शीर्ष पदों पर बैठे चुप हैं, आग जलती देख रहे हैं, उनको पता है कि ऐसा करने से इंटरनेशनल पटल पर बांग्लादेश और पाक्सतां की इमेज खराब होगी, विक्टिम कार्ड सही से खेला जायेगा।
मुफ़्ती जी एक अन्य ट्वीट में कह रहे थे कि मेकडॉनल्ड्स इजराइल के फौजियों को रोज़ 4000 मील डोनेट कर रहा है, हमें मेकडॉनल्ड्स का बाइकॉट करना चाहिए। ये बात भी वह अमेरिका के यूट्यूब और ट्विटर पर बता रहे हैं।
नीचे कमेंट्स में “McD आज से मेरा दुश्मन” जैसे कमेंट्स हैं।
ये बड़ी निराशाजनक बात है कि हम आप आम व्यक्ति एक कॉलेटरल डैमिज है और कुछ नहीं। कहीं कोई बात हुई नहीं कि डीटीसी की बस की भांति हमें जला दिया जाता है। लप्पा ये दिया जाता है कि मरने के बाद बहुत फ़ायदा मिलेगा!
इस कॉलेटरल डैमिज से बस वही बच पाता है जो मंच पर चढ़ चुका है। दूसरों को समझाने सिखाने वाला बच निकलता है, उसको फॉलो करने वाले दौड़ा-दौड़ा के मारे जाते हैं। शेख हसीना खुद भागकर यहाँ आ गईं, पीछे उनके कार्यकर्ता और सपोर्ट करने वाली जनता रौंद दी गई।
अलगाववादी आए, कश्मीरियों को बढ़काया, पंडितों को खदेड़कर बाहर निकाला, जब अफसपा लगी तो खुद उस भाग लिए पर आम कश्मीरी की ज़िंदगी जहन्नुम हो गई। वो दीन को न मानता तो गद्दार कहलाता, मान गया तो रोज़ हयुमिलेट हो रहा है।
कभी-कभी लगता है दुनिया में कोई हज़ार बारह-सौ लोग हैं बस, जो बाक़ी बची पॉपुलेशन को अपने हिसाब से हांक रहे हैं, ये ही हैं जो मीडिया, सरकारें या गिरिजाओं को कंट्रोल कर रहे हैं। अफगानिस्तान में एक बच्चा मरा तो समझो एक माँ का जिगर कट गया, लेकिन दूर बैठे लोगों के लिए वो एक काउन्ट है, तुमने एक मारा है तो हम 10 मारेंगे। काउन्टिंग में हम ही जीतेंगे।
ये वाकई आम इंसान का टेस्ट चल रहा है, सब्र का इम्तेहान, जिसमें चाहें कितनी कुर्बानियाँ दे दी जाएँ, इंसानियत ने हर हाल में फेल होना है।
#सहर
20/10/2025
किसी नेता के लिए ऐसा प्रेम बहुत कम देखने को मिलता है ।
आज के दौर में जहां नफरत की राजनीति चरम पर है मोहम्मद कामरान जैसे नेता और गोविंदपुर विधानसभा के लोग एक लोकतंत्र के लिए एक आशा की किरण हैंl
तेजस्वी ने काटा मो॰ कामरान का गोविंदपुर से टिकट, फूट फूटकर रोए समर्थक
Enjoy the videos and music you love, upload original content, and share it all with friends, family, and the world on YouTube.
20/03/2019
MARCH 19, 2019
Having emerged as one of the top three payment applications on UPI thanks to P2P and bill payments, Google’s offline strategy is designed to create an ecosystem of payment solutions for Indian consumers.
After peer-to-peer (P2P) and bill payments, Google Pay is looking to win over customers of smaller offline retailers or kirana stores. While Google had announced plans to partner with point-of-sale providers to onboard retail merchants, it is now piloting transactions based on the Unified Payments Interface (UPI) to be made by consumers while making offline purchases, according to two people aware of the matter.
“It will bring the convenience of card payments onto the smart phone–the only thing required here will be, instead of the card swipe, customers will have to share the mobilenumber at the billing counter,” said a top payment executive aware of the matter. Consumers will get a ‘collect’ request on their Google Pay application and make the payment by inserting the UPI PIN.
Having emerged as one of the top three payment applications on UPI thanks to P2P and bill payments, Google’s offline strategy is designed to create an ecosystem of payment solutions for Indian consumers. For the technology giant, which is aiming to connect the Next Billion Users to the internet, India is a key market. By leveraging payments, the company is targeting a big chunk of the consumer-retail interface.
“There are small-scale pilots that are being run across retail stores in the country. As of now there are no banner advertisements that are being done, only early adopters can test the product,” said one of the persons cited above. “The rollout will happen over the next few months.”
Google has much of the backend in place for such an exercise.
“The plan is to also run localised promotional campaigns for consumers in that area,” said one of the persons. “They have geo-tagged shops and can easily identify consumers in the surrounding area as well thereby offering targeted marketing campaigns.”
Google’s plans are similar to the offline strategy of PhonePe, which is using MapMyIndia to target offline stores and promote UPI payments.
“Our vision is to enable fast, seamless, and secure payments for our users anywhere, at any time, whether they are paying other users, buying products or services online, recharging mobile balance, paying for utilities or shopping at a retail outlet,” said Ambarish Kenghe, director, product management, Google Pay. “The offline ecosystem forms an important part of our objective to provide a seamless experience to users transacting with Google Pay.”
After ecommerce payments, the next battle is widely expected to be fought on the offline payments front. Paytm, with its expansive network of merchants using Paytm QR, is expected to be challenged by Google Pay, Reliance Jio and PhonePe.
“All eyes are on Reliance Jio, especially after what happened in telecom. What Jio wants to do in digital payments is being keenly observed by others,” said a payments industry expert. “Offline is the next big thing which will create the ultimate winner in the Indian payments ecosystem.”
With its own integrated billing and payments offering for small merchants, Jio could disrupt offline payments.
PhonePe chief executive officer Sameer Nigam has told ET that the company has partnered with MapMyIndia to track retail merchants in the country and create an engagement platform for users with local kirana stores. Similar to Google Pay, PhonePe is also listing local merchants on its application.
“The best part is for Google is that the India fintech strategy is not defined by revenues. It is more about creating that experience for the consumers and enhance stickiness,” said the expert.
20/03/2019
MARCH 20, 2019
The State needs political stability to be able to crack down on rent-seeking
When Pramod Sawant took office dramatically in the early hours of Tuesday as Chief Minister, it was the 23rd time that the regime in Goa changed since 1963, excluding five spells of President’s Rule. Mr. Sawant’s legislative majority is far from clear and the longevity of his government remains a subject of speculation. The State voted a hung Assembly in 2017, with the BJP winning fewer seats than the Congress. The machinations that led to the installation of a BJP-led government headed by Manohar Parrikar did not match up to any high standards of democracy. Parrikar’s image acted as a veneer for his party’s less than honourable pursuit of power. He was a moderate in the Hindutva party and reached out to Christians, who constitute 25% of the population. His return to the State after leaving the Union Cabinet was a condition set by parties and independents for supporting the BJP. He was able to considerably insulate himself from the afflictions of Goa’s politics. With his passing, politics in Goa could be less restrained. Its politicians should strive hard to prove the sceptics wrong. History, of course, does not counsel optimism.
Multiple social and economic factors contribute to the volatility. Goa’s population, as per Census 2011, is just 14.59 lakh, and it is one of the smallest States also in terms of area. There are 40 Assembly constituencies, relatively small in size; most have less than 30,000 voters. Besides the Congress and the BJP, the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party, the Goa Forward Party and the Nationalist Congress Party are represented in the current Assembly. The main political contest is between the BJP and the Congress, but given the small sizes of constituencies and the close contests, the scope for manipulation of the electoral process is very high. Seasoned political players have perfected the art of setting up multi-cornered contests by fielding independents and fringe political outfits that fragment the votes and turn the tide to their benefit. Goa is the place where the many ills of Indian democracy play out in a stark manner. Land is scarce, with tourism being the mainstay of the economy. Mining, which used to be the other major driver of the economy, has been stalled by the Supreme Court since February last year. There are numerous avenues for political patronage, rent-seeking and generation of dirty money. The political system, rather than acting as a counterweight to the hazardous forces that its economy and geography generate, often ends up accelerating them. A government with a wafer-thin majority is unlikely to address these systemic ills.
04/02/2019
FEBRUARY 4, 2019
Delay in releasing key employment data has undermined the credibility of data officialdom
The resignations of the National Statistical Commission’s acting Chairperson P.C. Mohanan and member J.V. Meenakshi appear linked to the Centre’s refusal to release new data on employment that were due to be made public in December 2018. They could also be related to unease about the recently unveiled back-series data on the economy, which recorded slower growth during the UPA-led government’s rule, and were released by the NITI Aayog bypassing convention and the commission’s views. Reports suggest that the findings of the new Periodic Labour Force Survey, for July 2017-December 2018, are not too flattering, with unemployment registering a five-decade high. The government has said no such reservations were expressed by Mr. Mohanan or Dr. Meenakshi during NSC meetings and that the report will be released after ‘quarterly’ data for the survey period is processed. A key role of the NSC, set up in 2006, is to verify whether data being put in the public domain are reliable and adequate. Information has been collected and disseminated by successive governments under laid-down schedules, earning Indian data greater global trust than most other emerging market peers, especially China.
On the question of job-creation for the youth, the Prime Minister and his Cabinet have been building an argument that jobs abound, but credible data are missing. The National Sample Survey Organisation’s quinquennial employment surveys were to be conducted in 2016-17. The year was switched to 2017-18 as the new Labour Force Survey was being prepared to replace it. Separately, a quarterly survey of select employment-intensive sectors initiated by the Labour Bureau after the 2008 global financial crisis, that provided some clarity on ground realities, was inexplicably junked. Instead, proxy data from enrolments into social security schemes for formal sector employees are being touted as a sign of job-creation: economists have rightly called them out as inaccurate. Even then, Arun Jaitley, in his last year’s Budget speech, cited ‘an independent study’ to claim seven million formal jobs will be created in 2018-19. The Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy has pegged job losses in 2018 at 11 million based on its regular employment surveys. The government’s coy approach to jobs-related data may be due to its disastrous demonetisation gambit which hurt supply chains and informal jobs in the economy and whose effects have lingered. Contrast this with the NSSO surveys of 2009-10 that revealed little good news on household incomes and job-creation, thanks to after-effects of the global financial crisis. The UPA didn’t dither from releasing the data, took criticism on its chin, explained it was an exceptional situation and commissioned another set of surveys in 2011-12 to correct for the timing. The Modi government should have treaded the same path without upending India’s statistical integrity.
02/02/2019
FEBRUARY 2, 2019
The interim budget casts away established conventions and targets votes with sops
As election-eve budgets go, Interim Budget 2019-20 must rank as one of the most politically expedient ones this country has seen. The shadow of the general election falls squarely on the budget proposals, which are aimed at seeking votes in the name of various schemes that rain cash on beneficiaries. Whether the strategy will work at the hustings remains to be seen. But there is no denying that a lot of thought has gone into identifying and targeting the sections of population across social segments that are in distress and unhappy with the Centre for a variety of reasons. There is an income support scheme for farmers who are reeling under the impact of falling realisations for their crops, and a pension scheme for informal sector workers earning up to ₹15,000 a month. There are income tax concessions for the middle class that have been carefully framed to target the lower rung. The ₹6,000 a year income support to farmers will benefit 12 crore households, which is almost half of the total number of households. Similarly, the increase in standard deduction from ₹40,000 to ₹50,000 may be small but it will cover three crore taxpayers, which is again almost half of the 6.8 crore taxpayers. The income tax rebate on those with taxable annual income of up to ₹5 lakh a year will benefit three crore middle class voters that includes traders, small businesses, those who have just joined the formal workforce and pensioners.
While these sops will benefit sections of the population, the question is whether it is correct for a government that will be in power for less than two months in the next financial year to write into the statute books proposals that are permanent. Though some past governments have announced sops in their interim budgets with an eye on elections, this budget has gone much further by announcing very significant measures. In political terms, the strategy cannot be faulted as it appears to have put the Opposition in a difficult spot — protesting too much about the concessions given to those in distress may be counter-productive. That said, some of these ideas may actually work in economic terms as they put money in people’s hands. The housing-related tax proposals can give a leg-up to the real estate sector, which is a job-creator and is now in trouble. The sops come with a cost, though. The Centre will miss the glide-path for reducing the fiscal deficit, yet again. The estimated slippage of 0.10 percentage point is not significant if we assume that the concessions will spur spending by the beneficiaries. This is, of course, assuming that the gross tax revenue projection of ₹25.52 lakh crore, which is a 13.5% growth over the revised estimates of 2018-19, is achieved. But this arithmetic will be the headache of the next government.
01/02/2019
FEBRUARY 1, 2019
Britain veers to a hard Brexit as Prime Minister May continues to placate Tory hardliners
The prospects for Britain’s orderly withdrawal from the European Union on March 29 have receded further, even as MPs rallied to stop a no-deal scenario. An amendment to the draft bill on the termination of London’s membership of the bloc obliges Prime Minister Theresa May to renegotiate her withdrawal agreement with Brussels. A Tory backbencher’s proposal calls on the government to come up with alternatives to the Irish backstop, a central tenet of the deal Britain agreed with the rest of the EU. The arrangement is meant to guarantee continuation of the soft border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, even if London and Brussels fail to strike a concrete relationship after Brexit. The reservations that Conservative Eurosceptics have over the backstop was a crucial factor why Ms. May delayed a House of Commons vote on her withdrawal agreement. Her subsequent attempts to secure assurances from Brussels to set a time limit on the backstop, or for Britain to quit the mechanism unilaterally, yielded no tangible outcome. A strong Eurosceptic opposition on the issue was also the reason for Ms. May’s overwhelming defeat in the House of Commons a fortnight ago. Ironically, this is the same deal Ms. May has all along insisted as being the one that could deliver the Brexit that people voted for, and to avoid Britain’s crashing out of the EU. Soon after the passage of the amendment on Tuesday, the President of the European Council reiterated the bloc’s unanimous position, ruling out a reopening of the withdrawal agreement. The Irish government has been equally categorical that as the basic guarantor of the 1998 Good Friday accord, the soft border was non-negotiable.
With less than 60 days to the deadline, the scope to overcome such fundamental differences in approach is rather narrow. Moreover, the Commons voted down a move, by Conservative and Labour proponents, to initiate legislation to defer the leave date. The latter had hoped the postponement plan would be a way to gain time, if the government failed to reach any agreement with Brussels or could not secure ratification at Westminster by late-February. Opponents, including Ms. May, dubbed the idea a remainer’s ploy to delay Brexit, or worse still, to lay the groundwork for a second referendum. But Parliament has wrested control of the Brexit process, and the demand to defer the deadline could well resurface. In that event, the EU’s favourable disposition to extend the Article 50 process could serve to influence the parliamentary balance. But Ms. May has seemed reluctant to confront the extreme stance of her Tory backbenchers and might remain hostage to a hard Brexit reality, notwithstanding the resulting chaos and upheaval. That outcome is surely not one that most leave voters would have even remotely imagined.
11/03/2019