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যারা বিসিএসসহ অন্যান্য সরকারি চাকরির প্রস্তুতি নিতে চান, নিচের গ্রুপে যুক্ত হন।
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🎯 সঠিক উত্তর কোনটি হবে???

সম্পর্কে দশটি অজানা তথ্য

১. প্রতিষ্ঠা এবং ইতিহাস: বিএমডব্লিউ, বায়ারিশে মোটরেন ওয়ার্ক এজি, ১৯১৬ সালে মিউনিখ, জার্মানিতে প্রতিষ্ঠিত হয়েছিল, প্রথমে বিমানের ইঞ্জিন উৎপাদন করে। কোম্পানী 1920 এর দশকে মোটর সাইকেল উৎপাদনে রূপান্তরিত হয় এবং অবশেষে 1930 এর দশকে অটোমোবাইলে পরিণত হয়।

২। আইকনিক লোগো: বিএমডব্লিউ লোগো, যাকে প্রায়শই "রাউন্ডেল" বলা হয়, একটি কালো আংটি নিয়ে গঠিত যা নীল এবং সাদা চার চতুর্থাংশ দিয়ে ছেদ করে। এটি বিমানের কোম্পানির উত্সকে প্রতিনিধিত্ব করে, নীল এবং সাদা একটি স্পষ্ট নীল আকাশের বিরুদ্ধে একটি ঘূর্ণন প্রপেলার প্রতীক।

৩। প্রযুক্তিতে উদ্ভাবন: বিএমডব্লিউ অটোমোটিভ প্রযুক্তিতে উদ্ভাবনের জন্য বিখ্যাত। এটি ২০১৩ সালে বিশ্বের প্রথম বৈদ্যুতিক গাড়ি, বিএমডব্লিউ আই৩ চালু করে, এবং উন্নত ড্রাইভিং সহায়তা সিস্টেম (এডিএএস) এবং হাইব্রিড পাওয়ারট্রেন উন্নয়নে একজন নেতা হয়েছে।

৪. কর্মক্ষমতা এবং মোটরস্পোর্ট হেরিটেজ: মোটরস্পোর্টে বিএমডব্লিউ এর একটি শক্তিশালী ঐতিহ্য আছে, বিশেষ করে ভ্রমণের গাড়ি এবং ফর্মুলা 1 রেসিং এ। ব্র্যান্ড এর এম বিভাগ তাদের নিয়মিত মডেলগুলির উচ্চ-পারফরম্যান্স সংস্করণ তৈরি করে, যা তাদের নির্ভুলতা ইঞ্জিনিয়ারিং এবং উত্তেজনাপূর্ণ ড্রাইভিং গতিশীলতার জন্য পরিচিত।

৫। বিশ্বব্যাপী উপস্থিতি: বিএমডব্লিউ একটি বিশ্বব্যাপী অটোমোটিভ কোম্পানি

৬. বিলাসিতা এবং নকশা: বিএমডব্লিউ বিলাসিতা এবং স্বতন্ত্র নকশার সমার্থক, কারুশিল্প যা আধুনিক প্রযুক্তি এবং আরামের সাথে কমনীয়তা মিশ্রিত করে।

৭. টেকসই অনুশীলন: বিএমডব্লিউ স্থায়িত্বের জন্য প্রতিশ্রুতিবদ্ধ, তার যানবাহনের মধ্যে পরিবেশ বান্ধব উপকরণ এবং উৎপাদন প্রক্রিয়া অন্তর্ভুক্ত করে, পাশাপাশি বিএমডব্লিউ আই৪ এবং আইএক্স এর মত মডেলের সঙ্গে বৈদ্যুতিক যানবাহন প্রযুক্তির অগ্রগতি।

৮. গ্লোবাল ম্যানুফ্যাকচারিং: বিএমডব্লিউ বিশ্বব্যাপী অসংখ্য প্রোডাকশন সুবিধা পরিচালনা করে, যার মধ্যে আছে জার্মানি, মার্কিন যুক্তরাষ্ট্র, চীন এবং অন্যান্য দেশ আছে, যাতে একটি বিশ্বব্যাপী পৌঁছানোর এবং স্থানীয় উত্পাদনের নিশ্চিত হয়।

৯। ব্র্যান্ড পোর্টফোলিও: এর বিখ্যাত বিএমডব্লিউ ব্র্যান্ড ছাড়াও, কোম্পানী মিনি এবং রোলস-রয়েস এর মালিক, বিভিন্ন ধরণের অটোমোটিভ স্বাদ এবং বিলাসবহুল সেগমেন্টস সরবরাহ করে।

১০। সাংস্কৃতিক প্রভাব: বিএমডব্লিউ এর গাড়িগুলি প্রায়
(সংগৃহীত)

Editorial
What was the point of a white paper on economy?
Take proper steps based on its recommendations

Mon Jan 20, 2025 09:20 AM Last update on: Mon Jan 20, 2025 11:43 AM

It is frustrating to know that more than a month and a half after the submission of the white paper on Bangladesh's economy, the government has yet to take steps based on its recommendations. This inaction—pointed out by the very man who led the 12-member committee that prepared what Chief Adviser Prof Yunus then called a "historic" document worthy of being taught in universities—not only questions the rationale for commissioning such a report but also risks deepening the present economic crisis. At a recent symposium, Dr Debapriya Bhattacharya also lamented the lack of critical discussions on this issue.

No action taken based on white paper
True, our economic problems did not emerge overnight, nor can they be resolved by the interim government alone. These issues stem from years of mismanagement, entrenched corruption, and systemic regulatory failures, particularly during the Awami League's 15-year rule. The 30-chapter, 400-page white paper—submitted on December 1—unearthed the scale of these problems in exhaustive detail. For instance, it revealed that a staggering $234 billion was laundered from Bangladesh between 2009 and 2023. Meanwhile, distressed assets in the banking sector soared to Tk 6,75,030 crore, leaving banks under-provisioned and vulnerable to financial shocks. At the stock market, trillions of taka were embezzled through fraud, manipulation of placement shares, and deceitful Initial Public Offering (IPO) processes.

The report attributed these regulatory failures to the influence of business conglomerates, bureaucrats, and politicians, showing how laws and regulations were "tailored and retrofitted" to serve vested interests. It also exposed the dire state of "technically bankrupt" and "illiquid" banks and how Bangladesh, lost in a data fog, "sleepwalked" into the middle-income trap. Beyond banking and financial mismanagement, the white paper also offered an in-depth review of the macroeconomic and fiscal situation, alongside key sectors like education, health, energy, taxation, mega projects, poverty, and inequality. The question is: what is the government doing about its recommendations?

Among its key proposals, one was to establish an independent prosecution body to pursue follow-up actions on the stolen funds. The committee also urged the government to formulate a two-year mid-term economic plan and a six-month short-term strategy. Yet, there is no indication that these recommendations are being taken seriously. Instead, despite the paper's critical assessment of the existing tax regime, the government has opted to raise value-added tax (VAT) and supplementary duty (SD) on over 100 products and services rather than boosting direct tax collection—suggesting a preference for short-term fixes over structural reforms. Equally concerning is the continued ad hoc approach to banking and energy sector reforms.

This has to change. We urge the government to take ownership of the white paper's findings and incorporate them into policy decisions. Given the enormity of our economic challenges, it must make the most of its limited time before elections to lay the groundwork for reforms while establishing discipline in macroeconomic management, as Prof Rehman Sobhan suggested at the symposium. The importance of phased, strategic action cannot be overstated.

Editorial

Bangladesh Bank must help stabilise forex market
Stability is vital to minimise risks

Mon Jan 20, 2025 08:10 PM Last update on: Mon Jan 20, 2025 09:40 PM

More than seven months after introducing the crawling peg exchange rate system to stabilise the foreign exchange market, the Bangladesh Bank has decided to be more flexible with the rates. According to a report in this daily, it is now allowing banks to trade foreign currency freely. However, this decision comes with a caveat, which is proving to be a headache for the banks.

According to the report, while the central bank has permitted banks to negotiate foreign currency rates following market trends—based on the recommendation of the International Monetary Fund—it still maintains a firm grip on the trade. To be exact, it is still operating with an unofficial mid-rate, which climbed to Tk 119 per dollar from Tk 117 on December 31. Bank insiders say this is preventing banks from truly negotiating the rates, undermining the central bank's intent to liberalise the trade. As a result, while banks are officially quoting around Tk 121-122 per dollar, the actual rates charged to importers range between Tk 125 and Tk 128, according to a cement mill's managing director. Moreover, under the new exchange rate regime, banks are required to maintain uniform rates for remittances and export earnings, which is causing them to lose out on profits, a private bank official said.

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This discrepancy is concerning, as it has worrying consequences beyond shrinking profit margins for banks. For example, importers are increasingly using a workaround system where banks show an official rate while selling dollars to some importers, but a portion of that currency is sourced from exchange houses and aggregators. This is akin to hundi, which is illegal in Bangladesh. The mismatch in exchange rates also poses a risk to the country's prospect of remittance earnings, which hit a record $2.64 billion in December thanks to flexible exchange rates. But under the new system, remitters are more likely to turn to unofficial channels to send money to their families. If that happens, the economy will take a hit, and it will be bad news for our already shaky foreign exchange reserves.

Bangladesh forex market crisis
Read more
Forex market in disarray
Under this circumstance, it would be prudent for Bangladesh Bank to let go of all its control. As economists have repeatedly suggested, the central bank should allow the market to determine exchange rates while enforcing strict monitoring to prevent illegal trading and manipulation. This approach not only aligns with global best practices, but also offers an opportunity to stabilise our volatile forex market and shore up confidence in our currency.

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আসসালামু আলাইকুম।
ইংরেজি Master বইটির গুরুত্বপূর্ণ টপিকগুলো লাইন ধরে ধরে পড়ানো হবে নাম মাত্র রেজিষ্ট্রেশন ফি তে।
রেজিষ্ট্রেশন ফি ৪৯৯ এখন ৫০% ছাড়ে মাত্র ২৪৯ টাকায় সাথে লিটারেচারের কোর্সটি সম্পূর্ণ ফ্রী পাবেন।

এই কোর্সটি করলে আপনারা যা পাবেনঃ
১) বিসিএস ইংরেজি প্রিলির পুরো ৩৫ মার্কসের প্রস্তুতি।
২) ৯ম গ্রেড থেকে ২০ তম গ্রেডের সকল পরীক্ষার ইংরেজির
গুছানো প্রস্তুতি।
৩) সাথে ইংরেজি লিটারেচার কোর্সটি সম্পূর্ণ ফ্রী।

আগ্রহীরা নিচের নাম্বারে ০১৮৬০-১১৬৭৬৮ বিকাশ করে Screenshot অথবা নাম্বারে লাস্ট ৩টি ডিজিট ইনবক্সে দিবেন। আমরা আপনাকে আমাদের সিক্রেট গ্রুপে এড করে নিব। যেখান থেকে ক্লাস এবং অন্যান্য সাপোর্ট গুলো পেয়ে যাবেন।

ক্লাস নিবেনঃ
Badsha Sir ( Director of Dream Wall Academy)
B,A.M,A in English
University of Chittagong

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/rnxyLqYGZS1ETMAt/

আসসালামু আলাইকুম।
ইংরেজি Master বইটির গুরুত্বপূর্ণ টপিকগুলো লাইন ধরে ধরে পড়ানো হবে নাম মাত্র রেজিষ্ট্রেশন ফি তে।
রেজিষ্ট্রেশন ফি ৪৯৯ টাকা মাত্র সাথে লিটারেচারের কোর্সটি সম্পূর্ণ ফ্রী পাবেন। ( যারা একসাথে পারবেন না ২বারে দেওয়ার সুযোগ রয়েছে)

এই কোর্সটি করলে আপনারা যা পাবেনঃ
১) বিসিএস ইংরেজি প্রিলির পুরো ৩৫ মার্কসের প্রস্তুতি।
২) ৯ম গ্রেড থেকে ২০ তম গ্রেডের সকল পরীক্ষার ইংরেজির
গুছানো প্রস্তুতি।
৩) সাথে ইংরেজি লিটারেচার কোর্সটি সম্পূর্ণ ফ্রী।

আগ্রহীরা নিচের নাম্বারে ০১৮৬০-১১৬৭৬৮ বিকাশ করে Screenshot অথবা নাম্বারে লাস্ট ৩টি ডিজিট ইনবক্সে দিবেন। আমরা আপনাকে আমাদের সিক্রেট গ্রুপে এড করে নিব। যেখান থেকে ক্লাস এবং অন্যান্য সাপোর্ট গুলো পেয়ে যাবেন।

ক্লাস নিবেনঃ
Badsha Sir ( Director of Dream Wall Academy)
B,A.M,A in English
University of Chittagong

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/748LhEWjBnFYvsu1/

আসসালামু আলাইকুম।
ইংরেজি Master বইটির গুরুত্বপূর্ণ টপিকগুলো লাইন ধরে ধরে পড়ানো হবে নাম মাত্র রেজিষ্ট্রেশন ফি তে।
রেজিষ্ট্রেশন ফি ৪৯৯ টাকা মাত্র সাথে লিটারেচারের কোর্সটি সম্পূর্ণ ফ্রী পাবেন। ( যারা একসাথে পারবেন না ২বারে দেওয়ার সুযোগ রয়েছে)

এই কোর্সটি করলে আপনারা যা পাবেনঃ
১) বিসিএস ইংরেজি প্রিলির পুরো ৩৫ মার্কসের প্রস্তুতি।
২) ৯ম গ্রেড থেকে ২০ তম গ্রেডের সকল পরীক্ষার ইংরেজির
গুছানো প্রস্তুতি।
৩) সাথে ইংরেজি লিটারেচার কোর্সটি সম্পূর্ণ ফ্রী।

আগ্রহীরা নিচের নাম্বারে ০১৮৬০-১১৬৭৬৮ বিকাশ করে Screenshot অথবা নাম্বারে লাস্ট ৩টি ডিজিট ইনবক্সে দিবেন। আমরা আপনাকে আমাদের সিক্রেট গ্রুপে এড করে নিব। যেখান থেকে ক্লাস এবং অন্যান্য সাপোর্ট গুলো পেয়ে যাবেন।

ক্লাস নিবেনঃ
Badsha Sir ( Director of Dream Wall Academy)
B,A.M,A in English
University of Chittagong

The Daily Star editorial.

Why constitutional reform is essential

The dream of building a nation rooted in equality, human dignity, and social justice has been a cornerstone of Bangladesh's formation. However, over the past 15 years, this very nation has witnessed a stark departure from those ideals, succumbing to the grip of fascism. Democratic institutions have been systematically dismantled, paving the way for authoritarian rule. Fundamental human rights and democratic freedoms have been trampled, and the aspirations that once drove the people to fight for independence have been replaced by dynastic and repressive systems.

The constitution is, in essence, the "manual" for governing a state. Yet, the present Bangladesh Constitution contains elements that neither reflect the spirit of the country's Liberation War nor safeguard against the rise of fascism. It has, instead, facilitated the authoritarianism of the previous regime in power. While there may be differences of opinion on whether to amend or entirely rewrite the constitution, there is little disagreement that the existing one poses significant obstacles to any future democratic process.

The reason we need a new constitution
At first glance, one might believe that Bangladesh Constitution upholds the spirit of its independence. However, the principles of equality, human dignity, and social justice enshrined in the declaration of independence have been compromised. This constitution has enabled unchecked power to concentrate in the hands of the prime minister. Through successive amendments, the constitution has primarily centralised authority, serving the interests of those in power.

The constitution's core principles are meant to guide the governance of the state. But what should those principles be? They must be value-based, not ideologically driven. Ideological frameworks inevitably lead to conflict, as society is made up of diverse beliefs. One person might support an Islamic system of governance, while another advocate for secularism. One individual may be a proponent of Bengali nationalism, while another subscribes to Bangladeshi nationalism. If the constitution aligns with any single ideology, it inherently dismisses and alienates those with differing views, posing a serious barrier to building an inclusive society.

What, then, should the foundation of the constitution be? It should rest solely on democracy and the values of equality, human dignity, and social justice, as proclaimed in the declaration of independence. Beyond this, no other ideology—whether socialism, nationalism (Bengali or Bangladeshi), secularism, or religious beliefs—should serve as the guiding principle of the constitution. These ideologies do not align with the needs of a modern state.

The past 50 years of governance under various regimes have shown that ideological frameworks have brought Bangladesh no lasting benefit, instead deepening divisions. The constitution must not embrace any ideology that sparks opposition from any part of society. Its focus should remain on the rules and regulations that govern the state's operations. The state itself should be devoid of any ideological affiliation. Its sole aim is to serve the people and ensure their security through a system of accountable governance. When any ideology—especially one linked to the two dominant political forces of the past 50 years, Awami League and BNP—becomes the basis for governance, the nation is pushed towards conflict. Embracing such an ideological basis means returning to the divisive politics that have already fractured the country.

The four ideological principles enshrined in the current Bangladesh Constitution are essentially the core tenets of a political party, often referred to as "Mujibism." This ideological basis was included without a broader national consensus, reflecting the dominance of one political group's agenda over the people's collective will. The post-independence constitution was drafted by members of the constituent assembly, who had been elected for Pakistan's legislative body, not to create an independent nation. Following a nine-month independence war, the hopes and aspirations of the people had evolved. Given this transformation, it would have been appropriate to form a new constituent assembly through elections, with the mandate to draft the constitution and submit its guiding principles for a public referendum. However, instead of taking such inclusive measures, one party's ideology was imposed as the national ideology through the constitution.

The second critical issue lies in the relationship between the state and religion. A state should not endorse any particular religion; it must belong to all its citizens, regardless of faith. The state's primary role is to ensure equal rights and dignity for all religious groups and people. The constitution must, therefore, be secular in the truest sense, reflecting a commitment to equal treatment for all. However, the current constitution retains elements linking the state to political ideologies and religious identities, leading to an inherent contradiction.

One of the most glaring problems with the constitution is that it concentrates enormous power in the hands of the prime minister. The officeholder simultaneously holds four crucial positions: prime minister, head of the ruling party, leader of the parliamentary party, and leader of the parliament itself. While the president is technically the highest-ranking official in the state, the constitution subordinates the president to the prime minister. The president must act on the advice of the prime minister, rendering the role largely ceremonial and devoid of real power. This has led to the repeated election of presidents who are seen as loyal to the prime minister rather than independent figures who can serve as a check on executive power.

The prime minister's unchecked authority extends across the government, from the formation of the cabinet to appointments in key constitutional posts. Without the prime minister's approval, no one can be appointed to a significant constitutional position. This consolidation of power has transformed the prime minister into a de facto autocrat, particularly in a parliamentary system where the government (executive branch) is formed from the majority party in parliament. Given the additional powers granted to the prime minister by the constitution, the position has taken on the characteristics of a dictatorship.

Moreover, the current constitution has effectively transferred the same authority and power that a president would hold in a presidential system to the prime minister without the necessary mechanisms for accountability. Since the ruling party typically holds a majority in parliament, it becomes nearly impossible for parliament to hold the prime minister accountable. Instead of serving as a body that scrutinises the executive's actions, the parliament has become a rubber stamp that merely approves executive decisions and the government's agenda.

One of the most contentious elements of our constitution is Article 70, which severely restricts the ability of members of parliament (MP) to vote against their party. No MP is permitted to vote against their party's decisions, including decisions made by the government if their party is in power. If an MP dares to defy this rule, they risk losing their parliamentary seat. Rather than representing the interests of their constituents, this provision forces MPs to toe the party line and reduce them to voicing the will of the party leadership, eliminating any possibility of dissent or debate within the legislative body.

The implications of Article 70 are far-reaching, particularly when the head of the party, the parliamentary leader, and the prime minister are all the same person. This concentration of authority leads to a situation where both the executive and legislative branches of government are controlled by a single individual.

In light of this, it becomes evident that the current constitution contains all the necessary ingredients for a prime minister to evolve into an authoritarian ruler. With no constitutional provision limiting how many times a person can hold the office of prime minister, the same individual can remain in power indefinitely. This creates a cycle in which power is concentrated in the hands of a single person, with no meaningful checks from either parliament or the judiciary. The concentration of power, absence of genuine accountability, and the intertwining of state and party ideology have all contributed to a deeply flawed system of governance.

The only way to address these critical flaws is through substantial reform of the constitution or even a complete rewriting of it. Without meaningful reforms to the constitution—especially those that restore the balance of power and ensure true accountability—Bangladesh risks continuing down the path of authoritarian rule, with its democratic institutions weakened and its people further marginalised.

Can rewriting the constitution bring real freedom?
To ensure a balanced, inclusive, and accountable system of governance, several key issues must be addressed:

1. Term limits for the prime minister: A constitutional provision should be introduced to prevent any individual from serving more than two terms as prime minister. In addition, the selection process for the prime minister could be modified to resemble that of the president, with an indirect election by members of parliament, ensuring a more democratic and less autocratic process.

2. Separation of key leadership roles: The constitution must ensure that the positions of party leader, head of the executive (prime minister), leader of the parliamentary party, and leader of parliament are never held by the same individual. This separation is crucial to avoid the dangerous concentration of power in a single person, which undermines both democracy and accountability.

3. Abolition of Article 70: Article 70 infringes on the independence of MPs and contradicts the spirit of parliamentary democracy, as it eliminates the possibility of meaningful debate and dissent within parliament and prevents MPs from voting against their party. Its removal is essential for ensuring government accountability through a truly functional legislature.

4. Balancing powers between the prime minister and president: There must be a redistribution of power between the prime minister and the president to prevent an excessive concentration of authority in the hands of a single person. Furthermore, the constitution must include mechanisms to ensure "checks and balances" among the three branches of government—executive, legislative, and judicial—so that no single branch can dominate the others unchecked.

5. Framework for transfer of power: A clear and robust framework for peaceful power transfer, including provisions for an interim government (caretaker government), is essential to safeguard free and fair elections. The reintroduction of a caretaker government system, with necessary amendments, should be considered.

6. Bicameral legislature: To reduce the concentration of power within a single political party, a bicameral (two-chamber) legislative system should be established. This would allow for broader representation and promote a more inclusive democratic process, ensuring that different voices are heard and represented in the legislative process.

7. Value-based constitution, not ideology-based: The constitution should be rooted in universal values such as democracy, equality, human dignity, and justice rather than any particular political ideology. Divisive issues should be excluded from the constitution to help prevent further division and conflict in society.

Without substantial reform of the constitution, it is impossible to create a balanced system of governance where power is properly distributed among different branches of the government and the democratic process is safeguarded. A revised constitution must prioritise the establishment of checks and balances, ensure the independence of parliament, and place meaningful limitations on executive power, including term limits for the prime minister. Only then can Bangladesh hope to restore true democratic governance and prevent the rise of authoritarianism.