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āĻāĻļāĻā§āϰāĻšāĻŖāĻāĻžāϰ⧠āĻāĻāĻāύ
GenZ University
University students stand as one. Join us in reforming Bangladesh 2.0
27/04/2026
25/04/2026
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#āĻĒā§āϰāĻļā§āύāĻĢāĻžāĻāϏ #āĻā§āĻāĻŦ
24/04/2026
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20/04/2026
đĨThe Faces Behind July's Anti-Uprising Propagandaâ ī¸
Something is lurking round the memory of July-August 2024. Not loud to bring instant alarm, but with persistence, to make you stop, if you are attentive.
Over fourteen hundred people died. The United Nations enquired. Its conclusions were clear cut pointing towards state forces and armed components of the Awami League. Lethal force was not used by the military, especially. These are not disputed facts.
They are documented. And, in between the records and popular memory, another version is being narrated. Consider Northeast News, an Indian newspaper, which has taken up a curious new practice of re-examining the Bangladesh uprising, not in order to comprehend it, but to rebrand it. The publication has been narrating the mass movement as a military coup and a conspiracy of a regime change under the byline of one Enayat Kabir. It is an open question who exactly Enayat Kabir is. Some commentators are of the opinion that the name is a pseudonym - perhaps of Chandan Nandi, or a member of his close acquaintances. The editorial line is more difficult to discount, and falls quite conveniently in line with Awami League propaganda points and even a certain strategic interest in ensuring that Bangladesh continues to have its political transition destabilized.
Rokeya Prachi is next. An actress with many national awards, a long-term member of Awami League, currently residing overseas. It is at a distance that she has been describing current Bangladesh as a mobocracy, and crying foul over persecution of minorities. The issue of minorities, in itself is not absurd. But the contextualization, and the timing, which comes exactly when the party that she has been in alliance with all her life requires a counter-narrative makes one ask questions that are not usually broached in polite conversation.
Former television journalist Nabanita Chowdhury, a household name later in the Hasina years, is the host of a YouTube channel where she publishes a series titled Nabanita Chowdhury Account. The subject matter is treated as a consistent line, to, again, raise the eyebrows on the July uprising, to cast doubt on whether it was a legitimate one or not, to flatten the sides of what in fact the fifteen years of the Awami League were like. What is awe-inspiring is not only the office she holds but how it has remained so despite the political reality on the ground becoming completely different.
Nizhum Majumdar, barrister, author, and a consistently vocal figure in the YouTube and Facebook worlds, reiterates several times over that the revolution was a conspiracy. The analytical wrapping alters. The resolution does not.
Four voices. Four separate platforms. A single very coherent narrative. History, as it turns out, gets written not only by those who lived it. It is also written, and privily rewritten, by the people who have a stake in the manner in which it is recalled. Whether these people have a right to speak or not is not the question to be sat on. Of course they do. Whose interests are served every time they do so is the question. Fourteen hundred men never died in a plot. They were killed on camera, on the streets, in the open, on their own country. At least that is not so easy to rewrite.
20/04/2026
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16/04/2026
Who Is Trying to Hijack the July Uprisingâ
This is not a debate about history. It is an attempt to overwrite it.
What is unfolding right now is a calculated effort to take control of the narrative of the July uprising, strip it of its meaning, blur its origins, and ultimately reverse its political consequences. The deposed Awami League, with alleged backing from actors across the border including Indiaâs RAW, is not just defending itself, it is preparing the ground for a return.
And the first step in that strategy is distortion.
You can see it in the language being pushed into public discourse. July is being repackaged as an âarmy-engineered event,â a âcovert operation,â even an âextremist-driven crisis.â These are not analytical descriptions they are political tools. The objective is that, if the uprising can be made to look questionable, then its legitimacy collapses. And once legitimacy collapses, accountability weakens.
As the real story of July leaves very little room for ambiguity. Roughly 1,400 people were killed. Not as collateral, not as accident but as part of a violent confrontation between a state and its own citizens. Students, workers, ordinary people this was a cross-section of the country. Thousands more were injured, many permanently. This was not the outcome of a hidden conspiracy it was the result of a government that chose force over restraint and control over consent.
And that force was not abstract. Police were deployed aggressively. Party-aligned groups like the Chhatra League were actively involved. There are serious and repeated allegations of coordinated operations, including the use of armed operatives and trained shooters alongside law enforcement. This points to a level of organized suppression that cannot be dismissed as routine state response.
Yet now, the narrative is being flipped. The military is being repositioned as the central actor, the supposed architect of the crisis. But that framing ignores a critical reality: when the situation was on the brink of wider collapse, the military functioned as a stabilizing force. It stepped into a volatile environment, contained escalation, and prevented a descent into broader conflict. Even in moments of extreme unrest such as attacks on police stations, it maintained order, secured key installations, and in some cases provided protection to vulnerable personnel.
So, the attempt to redirect blame is undoubtedly strategic. Because shifting responsibility away from political leadership and onto institutions like the military serves a larger purpose, it clears the path for rehabilitation. And that is exactly what we are seeing now.
The Awami League is not retreating from politics; it is reorganizing for re-entry. Financial resources accumulated over years are now being deployed to influence narratives, shape media discourse, and rebuild political space. This has become a pattern now. Messaging is being coordinated, voices are being amplified, and a revised version of July is being systematically introduced.
The alleged involvement of RAW adds another layer. If external intelligence support is indeed part of this process, then this is no longer just an internal political repositioning, it becomes a matter of geopolitical influence shaping domestic perception.
But the most enabling factor may not be external but internal. The current opposition is so consumed with weakening the government that it is ignoring the larger strategic picture. Its focus is narrow, tactical, and power-driven. In prioritizing short-term political advantage, it risks creating the very conditions that allow a discredited force to regain relevance. In other words, while one side is actively engineering a comeback, the other is unintentionally making that comeback easier.
At the same time, sections of the media ecosystem are playing a critical role in normalizing this shift. Certain platforms and individuals are not just reporting they are reinforcing a reframed narrative, often aligned with external or financial incentives. This is how perception changes: not through one statement, but through sustained repetition.
And for those who fled in the aftermath of July, the stakes could not be higher. Their political survival depends on one thing: rewriting July. Turning a mass uprising into a misunderstanding. Turning accountability into controversy. Turning perpetrators into participants in a âmisreadâ event.
If that transformation succeeds, return becomes possible. If it fails, the door remains closed. That is why this is not just about the past. This is a fight over truth, over responsibility, and over who gets to shape the political future of the country.
15/04/2026
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